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22 mei

 
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2006 23:23    Onderwerp: 22 mei Reageer met quote

Großes Hauptquartier, 22. Mai.1916
Westlicher Kriegsschauplatz:
Östlich von Nieuport drang eine Patrouille unserer Marineinfanterie in die französischen Gräben ein, zerstörte die Verteidigungsanlagen des Gegners und brachte 1 Offizier und 32 Mann gefangen zurück.
Südwestlich von Givenchy-en-Gohelle wurden mehrere Linien der englischen Stellung in etwa zwei Kilometer Breite genommen und nächtliche Gegenstöße abgewiesen. An Gefangenen sind 8 Offiziere, 220 Mann, an Beute 4 Maschinengewehre, 3 Minenwerfer eingebracht. Der Gegner erlitt ganz außergewöhnliche blutige Verluste.
In Gegend von Berry-au-Bac blieb in den frühen Morgenstunden ein französischer Gasangriffsversuch ergebnislos.
Links der Maas stürmten unsere Truppen die französischen Stellungen auf den östlichen Ausläufern der Höhe 304 und hielten sich gegen wiederholte feindliche Angriffe. Neben seinen großen blutigen Verlusten büßte der Gegner an Gefangenen 9 Offiziere, 518 Mann ein und ließ 5 Maschinengewehre in unserer Hand. Die Beute aus unserem Angriff am Südabhange des "Toten Mann" hat sich auf 13 Geschütze, 21 Maschinengewehre erhöht. Auch hier und aus Richtung Chattancourt hatten Versuche des Feindes, den verlorenen Boden zurückzugewinnen, keinen Erfolg.
Rechts der Maas griffen die Franzosen mehrfach vergebens unsere Linien in der Gegend des Steinbruchs (südlich des Gehöftes Haudromont) und auf der Vauxkuppe an. Beim dritten Ansturm gelang es ihnen aber, im Steinbruch Fuß zu fassen, die Nacht hindurch war die beiderseitige Artillerietätigkeit im ganzen Kampfabschnitt außerordentlich heftig.
Unsere Fliegergeschwader wiederholten gestern nachmittag mit beobachtetem großen
Erfolge ihre Angriffe auf den Etappenhafen Dünkirchen. Ein feindlicher Doppeldecker
stürzte nach Kampf ins Meer. Weitere vier Flugzeuge wurden im Luftkampf innerhalb unserer Linien außer Gefecht gesetzt, und zwar in Gegend von Wervicq, bei Noyon, bei Maucourt (östlich der Maas) und nordöstlich von Château-Salins, letzteres durch Leutnant Wintgens als dessen viertes. Außerdem schoß Oberleutnant Bölcke südlich von Avocourt und südlich des "Toten Mann" den 17. und 18. Gegner ab. Der hervorragende Fliegeroffizier ist in Anerkennung seiner Leistungen von Seiner Majestät dem Kaiser zum Hauptmann befördert worden.
Östlicher und Balkankriegsschauplatz:
Die Lage ist im allgemeinen unverändert.

Oberste Heeresleitung. 1)


Der österreichisch-ungarische Heeresbericht:
Zunahme der italienischen Niederlage in Südtirol

Bisher 24000 Gefangene

Wien, 22. Mai.
Amtlich wird verlautbart:
Russischer und südöstlicher Kriegsschauplatz:
Nichts Neues.
Italienischer Kriegsschauplatz:
Die Niederlage der Italiener an der Südtiroler Front wird immer größer.
Der Angriff des Grazer Korps auf der Hochfläche von Lafraun hatte vollen Erfolg. Der Feind wurde aus seiner Stellung geworfen. Unsere Truppen sind im Besitz der Cima Mandriola und der Höhen unmittelbar westlich der Grenze von diesem Gipfel bis zum Astachtal. Die Kampfgruppe Seiner k. u. k. Hoheit des Feldmarschalleutnants Erzherzog Karl Franz Josef hat die Linie Monte Tormeno-Monte Majo gewonnen.
Seit Beginn des Angriffs wurden 23883 Gefangene, darunter 482 Offiziere
gezählt. Unsere Beute ist auf 172 Geschütze gestiegen.

Der Stellvertreter des Chefs des Generalstabes
v. Hoefer, Feldmarschalleutnant. 1)


Neubesetzung mehrerer Reichsämter - Errichtung eines "Kriegsernährungsamts"

v. Bartocki,

Berlin, 22. Mai.
Amtlich wird bekanntgegeben:
Seine Majestät der Kaiser und König haben dem Vizepräsidenten des Staatsministeriums und Staatssekretär des Innern Dr. Delbrück die nachgesuchte Entlassung aus seinen Ämtern unter Belassung des Titels und Ranges eines Staatsministers und unter Verleihung des hohen Ordens vom Schwarzen Adler erteilt und ihn von der allgemeinen Stellvertretung des Reichskanzlers entbunden, den Staatsminister und Staatssekretär des Reichsschatzamtes Dr. Helfferich zum Staatssekretär des Innern ernannt und mit der allgemeinen Stellvertretung des Reichskanzlers beauftragt, den Staatssekretär für Elsaß-Lothringen Wirklichen Geheimen Rat Graf v. Roedern vom 1. Juni 1916 ab zum Staatssekretär des Reichsschatzamts ernannt und bestimmt, daß bis zum 1. Juni 1916 die Geschäfte des Reichsschatzamtes durch den Staatssekretär des Innern Dr. Helfferich weiterzuführen sind.
Seine Majestät der König haben ferner den Staatsminister Dr. v. Breitenbach zum Vizepräsidenten des Staatsministeriums ernannt.
Nach einer amtlichen Mitteilung der "Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung" hat der Bundesrat den Reichskanzler ermächtigt, eine eigene, neue, ihm unmittelbar unterstellte Behörde, das "Kriegsernährungsamt", zu errichten. Der Präsident dieser Behörde erhält das Verfügungsrecht über alle im Deutschen Reiche vorhandenen Lebensmittel, Rohstoffe und andere Gegenstände, die zur Lebensmittelversorgung notwendig sind, ferner über die Futtermittel und die zur Viehversorgung nötigen Rohstoffe und Gegenstände. Das Verfügungsrecht schließt die gesamte Verkehrs- und Verbrauchsregelung (damit erforderlichenfalls natürlich auch die Enteignung), die Regelung der Ein-, Aus-, Durchfuhr sowie der Preise ein. Der Präsident kann in dringenden Fällen die Landesbehörden unmittelbar mit Anweisungen versehen.
Zum Präsidenten des Kriegsernährungsamts ist der Oberpräsident der Provinz Ostpreußen v. Batocki berufen. 1)


Der Jahrestag der italienischen Kriegserklärung
(Ein Armeebefehl Erzherzog Friedrichs)
Feldmarschall Erzherzog Friedrich

Feldmarschall Erzherzog Friedrich

Wien, 22. Mai.
Aus dem Kriegspressequartier wird gemeldet:
Feldmarschall Erzherzog Friedrich hat einen Armeeoberkommandobefehl erlassen:
Heute vor einem Jahre hat Italien seinen lang geplanten und sorgfältig vorbereiteten Verrat an der Monarchie durch die Kriegserklärung gekrönt. Über eine halbe Million Feuergewehre stark, den Kräften unserer Verteidigung achtfach überlegen, stand damals das feindliche Heer drohend an unserer Grenze. Mit vermessener Ruhmredigkeit versprachen die führenden Männer drüben dem betörten Volke einen leichten und sicheren Sieg. In raschem Ansturm sollten die italienischen Waffen über die "unerlösten" Gebiete hinaus bis in das Herz unseres Vaterlandes getragen werden und mit dessen Zertrümmerung den Weltkrieg entscheiden, die furchtlosen Verteidiger aber geboten dem verhaßten Gegner überall Halt, wo es meine Befehle bestimmt hatten. Unser Siegeslauf im Norden ward durch den heimtückischen Rückenangriff nicht gehemmt. Allmählich vermochte ich dann unseren schwachen Grenzschutz durch freigewordene Truppen zu stützen, wenn die Lage forderte. Vier Schlachten am Isonzo, zahllose Gefechte an der ganzen Front vom Stilfser Joch bis zum Meere haben mein Vertrauen in die Kraft unserer Abwehr glänzend gerechtfertigt. Während dieser Zeit wurde Galizien vom Feinde befreit, ein weites feindliches Gebiet in Besitz genommen, Serbien niedergeworfen, Montenegro und Albanien erobert. Bis vor kurzem vermochten nur unsere tapfere Flotte und unsere braven Flieger Schrecken und Verwirrung auf italienisches Gebiet zu tragen. Fast ein volles Jahr mußten wir uns gedulden, ehe die Stunde des Angriffes, der Vergeltung schlug. Endlich ist diese Stunde gekommen. Schon unser erster Ansturm brach eine gewaltige Bresche in die feindliche Front. Viel ist getan, mehr noch bleibt zu tun übrig. Ich weiß, ich fühle es: Tapferkeit und Ausdauer werden es leisten. Soldaten der Südwest-Front. Vergesset nicht im Kampfe, daß Italien an der Verlängerung dieses Krieges schuldig ist, vergesset nicht die Blutopfer, die er gekostet hat, befreit eure Heimat von den Eindringlingen. Schaffet der Monarchie auch im Südwesten die Grenze, deren sie für ihre künftige Sicherheit bedarf. Meine innigsten Wünsche, die innigsten Wünsche all eurer Kameraden begleiten euch.

Erzherzog Friedrich,
Feldmarschall.1)


Fliegerangriff auf Kairo

Kairo, 22. Mai.
Amtlich wird gemeldet:
Zwei feindliche Flugzeuge warfen 16 Bomben, hauptsächlich auf das arabische Stadtviertel ab. 2 Zivilpersonen wurden getötet, 13 Zivilpersonen und 5 Soldaten verwundet. Die Flieger benutzten Scheinwerfer, ehe sie die Bomben schleuderten. Sie wurden durch das Feuer der Abwehrgeschütze schnell vertrieben. 1)
_________________
Met hart en ziel
De enige echte

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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2010 1:37    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Quintinshill Rail Crash, May 1915

At around 6.50am on the morning of 22 May, 1915, the worst train crash ever to occur in the UK took place at Quintinshill in Scotland, a short way north of Carlisle on the Caledonian Railway. The accident involved a special troop train carrying a Royal Scots battalion, two goods trains, a local train and an express from London Euston via Carlisle, with the death toll having reached 227 after two collisions and a fire left little but burning wreckage on the line. Despite the horrific nature of the accident - or, more pertinently, due to it - the crash was kept a secret until after the end of World War I.

Lees verder op http://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/h2g2/A18446385
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2010 1:41    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Saturday 22nd May 1915- Diary of HV Reynolds

‘Very heavy rain fell between 6 and 10am and about 11am a huge water spout was to be seen towards the straights, writhing and twisting in the sky like a giant snake. The enemy officer returned again today to the place he was met yesterday on the beach just outside our lines. Some of our officers met him and after blindfolding him accompanied him to our headquarters, only today he rode in on his beautiful black horse, which was lead for him. The others who accompanied him to the meeting place did not wait there today, but took one of our officers with them back into their own lines. About midday an enemy submarine was reported in the vicinity of our transports and all the T.B.Ds* commenced dashing about at full speed, all the battleships got under way and the transports all weighed anchor and steamed off to the more safe anchorage in Imbros and Lemnos harbours which are protected by anti-submarine nets. The hospital ship went with them. There has been very little activity on either our part or the enemies today. Some efforts will have to be made to remove the dead in no-mans land as it is almost unbearable in our trenches now, there is a rumour to the effect that the enemy are negotiating from an armistice with us to bury their dead.’

http://www.awm.gov.au/blog/2010/05/22/saturday-22nd-may-1915-diary-of-hv-reynolds/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2010 1:52    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

22 May 1916, Commons Sitting

INVENTIONS DEPARTMENT (INCENDIARY BULLETS).


HC Deb 22 May 1916 vol 82 c1789 1789

Major CHAPPLE asked the Minister of Munitions what precautions are taken against the hasty and ill-considered rejection of suggestions made to his or any war Department by inventors engaged in experiments for the discovery of an incendiary bullet capable of being fired from an aeroplane at a Zeppelin and setting fire to it?

Dr. ADDISON Inventions and suggestions submitted to the Munitions Inventions Department are examined by officials of the Department and by Committees of the Advisory Panel. The examination is so thorough and complete as to preclude any possibility of hasty or ill-considered rejection.

Major CHAPPLE asked the Minister of Munitions whether he will issue a brief authoritative description of the vulnerable structures in a Zeppelin, a knowledge of which would be helpful to those engaged in inventing a chemico-explosive incendiary bullet small enough to be fired from a gun mounted on an aeroplane and possessing the property of exploding within the envelope of a Zeppelin and setting fire to it?

Dr. ADDISON The Munitions Inventions Department is not in possession of sufficient information to give an authoritative description of the vulnerable structures in a Zeppelin. The difficulty of obtaining an incendiary effect may be due, in some cases, to the existence of an envelope of inert gases surrounding the hydrogen containers.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1916/may/22/inventions-department-incendiary-bullets
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2010 2:18    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Letters from Viv

Marcinelle
Charleroi
22/5/19

Dear Love,

Just arrived back this morning from our traveling court. Spent the day in Paris going and another coming back. Found everything there very dear. The place swarms with Americans and they are flashing their money about a lot. The French don’t like them over much but are quite willing to overcharge them for everything and while they’re about it, they overcharge us also, for instance breakfast costs 3/6. Lunch 7/6 to 10/- for dinner 15/- to 20/- according to what one chooses from the menu. A room costs 10/- to 15/- a day an if you don’t have at least two meals a day in the Hotel your room costs 5/- extra. Prices will probably come down when the Yanks go but we’ll all be gone too.

A draft goes tomorrow, after which we will have about 6 officers and 10 men in the Brigade. I am one of the six because we have still some court cases to clear up. I’ll be leaving for England tomorrow week, barring accidents and should leave there any time between the middle of July and the end of August arriving home about 6 weeks later with luck so it is getting quite close to my homecoming again. I received another bundle of mail today up to the 2nd April also one from Mum and another from Lottie Webster, a Sunday school pupil of mine from Tamworth.

I was glad to hear about that Starr-Bowkett draw. It will certainly come in handy for Percy and Dorothy and a house, free from rent will be very useful to them to start with, I hope ours comes along soon too. As to what we’ll do with it, well we had better wait and see what is best when we get it and will either sell or let it. Then again the Gov’t will lend to Returned Soldiers amounts up to 700 pounds to buy houses with. I propose to take advantage of this offer also and working from this small beginning, eventually get together a nice little income from houses and land and in addition to my own earnings. By the way, have you insured “The Haven”? Sweetheart, I’m becoming quite a money-grabber am I not? However, it is all for you and the little ones we hope to have in the not too distant future. God grant that it may be soon and that our dearest hopes and wishes may be realized. With all my love Yours only & ever Viv.

http://smythe.id.au/letters/viv_11.htm
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2010 2:28    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

22 May 1919, Commons Sitting

"DAILY HERALD"ARTICLES.


HC Deb 22 May 1919 vol 116 cc556-7 556

Sir F. HALL asked the Prime Minister if his attention has been called to the articles in the "Daily Herald" from Mr. H. N. Brails ford, narrating interviews with and supporting the views of prominent German politicians who have taken an active part in the provocation of the great War and its methods of prosecution, and in particular this correspondent's dispatch of 29th April urging the acceptance of the pro-German point of view in the pending Peace negotiations; and if, in view of the responsibility of the German people for the outbreak of war and the methods by which it was waged, and the fact that a state of war still exists, the Government will take steps, while allowing such anti-British articles to be published, to insist upon the insertion of an official note condemnatory of their spirit and accuracy?

Sir H. GREENWOOD My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. I have seen the articles referred to, but I do not think that the views expressed will carry much weight having regard to the source from which they emanate. It is impossible to give effect to the suggestion made by my hon. Friend in the latter part of the question.

Sir F. HALL Is it to be understood that my hon. Friend thinks that these insidious remarks and these insidious statements made in the paper referred to are not detrimental to the interests of this country?

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1919/may/22/daily-heraldarticles
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2010 11:52    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Nieuwe Amersfoortsche Courant, 22 mei 1915
Bron: Archief Eemland

Menschenslachting te Van
Reuter's agentschap verneemt, dat 15 mei te Van (Armenië) 6000 Armeniërs vermoord zijn. Men voegt er bij, dat de bevolking zich zoo goed zij kan tegen de Turken en Koerden verdedigt, maar dat zij onmiddelijk behoefte heeft aan hulp.

http://www.agindepers.nl/kwestie/NAC-22-5-1915.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2010 11:54    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Stijn Streuvels, In oorlogstijd. Het volledige dagboek van de Eerste Wereldoorlog.

15 mei en 22 mei 1918 - Ben in Kortrijk getuige van een vliegeraanval en wacht het noodlot af in de kelder. Het zijn in elk geval gruwelijke ogenblikken, maar men doet er wondere ondervindingen op. Het overwegen van de kans vooreerst om aan het gevaar te ontsnappen of getroffen te worden... Bij de eerste drie afweerschoten die dienen als signaal zijn al de wandelaars als bij toverslag verdwenen en de straten leeg als in een dode stad; - 30.000 inwoners schuilen in de kelders en wachten af wat er gebeuren zal, want, het ergste is: dat men in de kelder enkel gevrijwaard is tegen splenters van shrapnells en schroot maar integendeel dubbel in doodsgevaar is: als het huis instort men er begraven onder ligt. Het wondere is, dat heel de bevolking aan het gevaar gewend wordt, - twee minuten na de aanval, na de verschrikking van de ontploffingen van bommen en een hel van afweergeschut, kijkt elk weer uit zijn schuilplaats en de mensen komen te voorschijn als na een onweer zonder dat er van angst nog iets te merken valt! Maar als men er maar bij toeval getuige is van zoiets, maakt het een veel grotere indruk. Van de slachtoffers, doden en gekwetsten, spreekt men na een paar dagen niet meer en naar de ingestorte huizen gaat men zelfs niet meer zien. Kortrijk al evenwel gaat stilaan ten onder, bijna geen dagen dat er geen puinen gemaakt worden en het is ongelooflijk hoe de bewoners daar zo rustig bij blijven. Het wordt iets als Roeselare, Komen en Menen, al steden die langzamerhand ineenvallen tot ze niet meer bewoonbaar blijken en ineens het bevel komt dat ze moeten geruimd worden. Hoe de mensen houden aan huis en grond komt nu eerst aan de dag.

http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/stre009inoo02_01/stre009inoo02_01_0045.php
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2010 12:06    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Kroniek van Baarle in de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1915)

22 mei 1915 - August Peeters van Zondereigen was naast dirigent van het kerkkoor ook landbouwer en wagenmaker. Hij wendde zijn vakkennis aan om een grote kruiwa­gen met dubbele bodem te vervaar­digen waarmee hij brieven en kranten kon smokkelen. Hij werd echter door Duitse spionnen op heterdaad betrapt en verplicht om met zijn kruiwagen naar Antwerpen te stappen. Zijn deportatie duurde 381 dagen. Gust verbleef acht dagen in Turnhout, twee in Antwerpen, tien in Mechelen, tien in Aken en tot 2 juni 1916 zat hij vast in het Duits interne­rings­kamp in Elberfeldt. Vier dagen later kwam Gust thuis, waarop hij prompt weer brieven begon te smokke­len tot aan de wapen­stilstand. Hij ontving hiervoor de Burgerlijke Medaille 2de Klasse. (mondelinge mededeling Jos Dufraing; Jan Huijbrechts in “Castelré 1914-1918, Begrensd Overleven”; Gemeentearchief Baarle-Hertog, inlichtingen juli 1919, 2.073.564 Register van Briefwisseling)

http://www.amaliavansolms.org/joomla/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=188:06-kroniek-van-baarle-in-de-eerste-wereldoorlog-1915&catid=90:oorlog&Itemid=118
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2010 12:12    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Punjab onder Engelse heerschappij (1849 - 1947)

Een andere activiteit ter bescherming van de Sikh identiteit, was het in 1909 in de wet opnemen van de Anand Karaj Act, dat later werd geregeld werd via de Sikh Rehat Maryada (Sikh gedragscode – zie hoofdstuk III), uitgegeven door de Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC). Anand Karaj, de Sikh huwelijksceremonie, hetgeen letterlijk goddelijke of heuglijke verbintenis inhoudt, werd door Goeroe Amar Das geïntroduceerd. Voor meer informatie over het Sikh huwelijksceremonie wordt naar hoofdstuk IV verwezen. Een ander voorbeeld van verzet tegen de Engelsen is die van Gurdit Singh. Hij was een Sikh zakenman en werkte als aannemer in Singapore en Maleisië. In 1911 sprak hij zich uit tegen gedwongen arbeid van arme dorpelingen en schreef hierover naar de regering. Dat gold ook voor zijn strijd tegen de Canadese overheid, die zeer strenge en onrechtvaardige wetten had aangenomen om immigratie van met Punjabi’s (mensen uit de Punjab) tegen te gaan. Zo werd in 1907 een wetsvoorstel aangenomen, waarbij Indiase mensen het stemrecht werd ontnomen. Zij mochten geen belangrijke beroepen vervullen en dienden een absurd hoog bedrag bij binnenkomst van Canada te betalen. Schepen varend naar Canada werden door de Canadezen ontmoedigd om tickets aan Indiërs te verkopen. Gurdit Singh charterde in 1914 een Japans schip, Kamagata Maru, en zijn reis vormde een absolute uitdaging van de Canadese uitsluitingwetten. Het schip werd hernoemd naar Goeroe Nanak Jahaj (schip van Goeroe Nanak) en had totaal driehonderd zes en zeventig Punjabi passagiers aan boord.


Hiervan waren er driehonderd veertig Sikhs, twaalf Hindoes en vierentwintig Moslims. Het schip voer op 3 april 1914 vanuit Hong Kong naar Vancouver. Het schip bereikte op 22 mei 1914 Vancouver en werd door de Indiase gemeenschap en Canadese overheid opgewacht. De Canadezen waren door de Britten uit Hong Kong geïnformeerd en wilden het schip terug sturen. Na twee maanden van vurige juridische gevechten tussen de Indiërs en de Canadese overheid, mochten er slechts 24 passagiers legaal in Canada verblijven. Het schip werd gedwongen terug te keren naar India en bereikte op 29 september 1914 Calcutta (hedendaags hernoemd naar de oude naam Kolkatta). De Engelse lieten de passagiers Calcutta niet binnen gaan en zij moesten via een andere haven vervolgens rechtstreeks per trein naar Punjab gaan. De passagiers weigerden dat aangezien zij eerst de Goeroe Granth Sahib naar de Gurdwara van Calcutta wilden brengen. Bij de schermutselingen schoten de Engelsen 20 passagiers dood en Gurdit Singh werd tot vijf jaar gevangenis straf veroordeeld (op basis van een onrechtmatig proces) nadat hij zich op advies van Mahatma Gandhi had overgegeven. Het is dankzij strijders als Gurdit Singh dat Canada nu relatief meer Sikhs telt dan India.

http://www.sikhs.nl/Sikhism/history/punjabunderenglishrule.htm
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 15:42    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

THE MORNING POST, MAY 22 1914

THE MILITANT "DEPUTATION" TO BUCKINGHAM PALACE - BROKEN UP BY THE POLICE - SIXTY-SEVEN ARRESTS

The attempt of Mrs. Pankhurst and the militant Suffragists to present a petition to the King at Buckingham Palace yesterday proved, as was expected, a fiasco. The Suffragists were baffled at every turn by the police organisation, Mrs. Pankhurst, with fifty or sixty other persons, was arrested, and the shouting, gesticulating women who attempted to take part in the demonstration became the sport of a huge crowd, which seemed to regard the affair as a holiday spectacle. The object of the proposed "interview" with the King was stated to be to present a petition demanding votes for women, to protest against "torture," and to claim equal treatment for militant Ulstermen and militant Suffragists. The women had been informed that their request for an interview would not be granted, but they persisted in their demand, and they came to scene of operations in a violent and aggressive mood, many of them armed with bottles, truncheon, and other weapons, and some with sulphur adhesive powder, and preparations which burst on striking the police.

The procession was never given a chance to assume a combined form. The women who were to compose it met for instructions before mid-day at the offices of the Women's Social and Political Union in Kingsway afterwards proceeding to various points among those being the Union's offices in Tothill-street. It was proposed that the procession should leave there at three o'clock, but the police on duty in Tothill-street informed the leaders that this would not be allowed, and that any attempt to form a procession would be at once frustrated. This had an important bearing on the later proceedings of the day, for it effectively prevented anything like combination by the various units.

VIOLENT ATTACK ON THE POLICE

In the open space outside the Wellington Arch there was a scene of great violence just about four o'clock. Both inside and outside the gates there was a considerable force of policemen, with some mounted men, and another detachment of mounted men patrolled Constitution Hill under the direction of Superintendent Wells. Just before four o'clock a large body of women approached the entrance gates, Mrs. Pankhurst walking in the centre of the font row. The procession was largely reinforced by women who had been waiting about. Before they could enter the park the gates were closed. The women immediately attacked the police. Some of them tried to pull the mounted men from their horses; the men retaliated with their fists, and were then struck with truncheons. The police in turn used their batons on the arms and shoulders of the women, and general fight followed, in the course of which many women and several of the constables were injured. As the gates were opened to permit of the passing through of a fresh force of police many of the women slipped into the park, including Mrs. Pankhurst, who proceeded towards the Palace, where she was arrested. The women outside the gates were gradually driven back. About a score of them were pushed into Hyde Park Police Station, and many others were taken to Cannon-row Police Station

http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~thelamp/sufferage/THE%20MORNING%20POST%20MAY%2022%201914.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 15:47    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Utrechts Nieuwsblad (22-05-1915)

http://www.hetutrechtsarchief.nl/collectie/kranten/un/1915/0522
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GESNEUVELDEN HAMONT WO-1: Theodoor Beliën, 26 jaar

Werd te Hamont geboren op (1)9 mei 1891. Na een sabotagedaad in Duits bezet gebied vluchtte hij naar Nederland. In Folkstone in Engeland werd hij bij het Belgische leger bij de hulpdiensten ingelijfd op 22 mei 1915. Bij het baden van paarden in een rivier in Criel sur Mer kreeg hij een stamp en verdronk.

http://www.grevenbroekmuseum.be/NL/gesneuv_hamont_WO1.shtml
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 15:56    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Scientific American 1915-05-22

Forward deck of the flagship, Wyoming, showing the 12-inch guns of turrets No. 1 and No. 2.

Effe doorklikken... http://ww.magazineart.org/main.php/v/technical/scientificamerican/ScientificAmerican1915-05-22.jpg.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 16:01    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

KILDARE OBSERVER, 22 May 1915

EGGS FOR OUR WOUNDED SOLDIERS 22/05/1915
COLLECTION BY NORTH KILDARE BRANCH BRITISH RED CROSS SOCIETY


In pursuance of the effort which is being made to provide eggs for our wounded soldiers and sailors, a branch of the Red Cross Society has been started in North Kildare. Mrs. Greer, Curragh Grange, is president, and Miss. C. Thackeray, Lumville, The Curragh, Hon Secretary. There are 300,000 new laid eggs wanted weekly for the wounded, and any gifts of eggs, no matter how small, will be gratefully received by Miss. C. Thackeray, Hon. Sec., Lumville, The Curragh. In connection with the scheme which has been inaugurated by the Red Cross Society, it is proposed to make a national egg collection for our sick and wounded soldiers and sailors. An egg depot has been started for North Kildare. The children in the schools are asked to bring one egg each every week. Many people have already very kindly consented to collect in various parts of the district. All particulars can be had by those who send eggs from Miss. C. Thackeray, Hon. Sec., Lumville, The Curragh.

The cause is a very urgent one, and it is to be hoped there will be a generous response in Kildare. Depot centres will be established in each of the towns, villages, districts and market places in North Kildare, full particulars of which can be held from the Hon. Sec.

CORRESPONDENCE 22/05/1915 - TO THE EDITOR OF THE KILDARE OBSERVER

Sir, - books and magazines are most urgently needed for distribution to our soldiers in the trenches and in cases. I am sure there are many of my friends and neighbours in the Co. Kildare who have old books and magazines which they would gladly send to our soldiers to pass away the time when resting from their labours both in the fighting line and in camps at home. All books and magazines can be sent to the "Stationery Office, Dublin", from whence they will be sent to the head office in London. All parcels should be clearly marked "Camps Library", - Yours truly
Palmerstown, Straffan
Co. Kildare

IRISH NATIONAL VOLUNTEERS, BALLYMORE - EUSTACE CORPS

A shooting competition confined to members, will begin to-morrow (Sunday). Those intending to take part will assemble in Market Square at 2 o'clock.

SOLDIER'S FUNERAL AT BALLYMORE - EUSTACE 22/05/1915

On Saturday afternoon a large and sympathetic gathering of the neighbouring public attended at Harristown station on the arrival of the 3.10 p.m. train to meet the remains of Michael O'Hara (Private in the R.D.F.) who died at Netly Hospital from wounds received a few days previously. O'Hara had been in the thick of the fighting since the very commencement, and is one of three brothers all in the army fighting for King and Country. The War Office - at the request of his relatives - had the remains sent home and laid in their last resting place beside the peaceful little village of Ballymore - Eustace far from the din of battle. As the sad cortege reached the outskirts of the village the solemn pealing of the chapel bell announced its arrival, and the villagers flocked to pay a last mark of respect. The Rev. Father O'Brien, C.C., conducted the burial service. On Sunday morning one of the worshippers at the church very thoughtfully placed a beautiful wreath on the grave.

http://kildare.ie/hospitality/historyandheritage/athyheritage/Kildare%20Observer/KildareObserverMay1915.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 16:20    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Origins of the Spanish Influenza pandemic (1918–1920) and its relation to the First World War

(...) The first country in Western Europe in which the pandemic was widespread among the general population and caused significant mortality, was Spain. It justifies the denomination “Spanish Influenza” used to refer to this pandemic. The first reference in the Spanish press to an epidemic outbreak in the spring of 1918 can be found in the Madrid newspaper “El Sol”, which published its first headline about the subject on 22 May 1918. The report goes as follows: “it seems that many cases are appearing among the soldiers of the Madrid garrison of a sickness which has not yet been diagnosed by doctors. Among an artillery regiment, 80 soldiers have been affected by this disease. In other regiments, the number ascends to up to 50 similar cases. …/… Undoubtedly, there is little difference between the disease observed in the prisons by our reporters and that which has been affecting Madrid for the last few days. …/… The symptoms associated with the disease are headache, shivering, weakness, fever and joint pains, and the condition sometimes presents itself at thoracic or intestinal levels”. (...)

Goed artikel, met eindeloze doorklikmogelijkheden...
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2805838/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 16:26    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

MAZINGARBE COMMUNAL CEMETERY AND EXTENSION - Mazingarbe - Pas de Calais - France

In plot 1.D.3. is Private W.H. Burrell of the 2nd Royal Sussex Regiment, he was shot for desertion on 22/05/1916.

http://www.ww1cemeteries.com/ww1frenchcemeteries/mazingarbe.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:15    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Alan Seeger

(...) Op initiatief van een lokaal comité werd op 5 juli 2006 bij de ingang van de begraafplaats Lihons een plaquette onthuld voor Alan Seeger, waarbij de vertegenwoordiger van de Amerikaanse ambassade bij die plechtigheid hem uiteraard uitvoerig prees en een strofe voorlas uit het gedicht I have a rendezvous with Death. Toch heeft men gekozen voor een andere tekst op de plaquette. De regels, in het Frans en Engels, komen uit het sonnet Bellenglise dat Alan Seeger op 22 mei 1916 schreef:

Oh, should I fall, tomorrow, lay me here,
That o’er my tomb, with each reviving year,
Wood-flowers may blossom and the wood-doves croon;
And lovers by that unrecorded place,
Passing, may pause, and cling a little space,
Close-bosomed, at the rising of the moon
.

Er spreekt weer uit dat hij verwachtte te zullen sneuvelen. Het is ongetwijfeld een romantisch gedicht, maar of er inderdaad verliefde paartjes langs de begraafplaats op een kilometer buiten het dorp Lihons zullen komen, is maar zeer de vraag.

Lees verder! http://www.wereldoorlog1418.nl/alan-seeger/index.html
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:18    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

MILITAIRE STEEKKAART: DELALEEUWE CAMIEL

Geboren te Pervijze op 09/08/1896 als zoon van Emiel en Wyffels Emelia
Gehuwd met Bonte Maria
Overleden te Diksmuide op 01/12/1965
Begraven te Diksmuide
Inwoner van Pervijze van geboorte tot na 1923


Op 17 juli 1915 werd hij na keuring bij het recruteringsbureau te Veurne, ingelijfd bij het speciaal contingent van 1915 en vertrok hij naar het opleidingskamp te Fécamp. Vanaf 14 december 1915 deed hij de rest van zijn opleiding in het kamp van Parignée l'Eveque te Calais tot 10 april 1916.

Op die dag kwam hij terecht bij zijn eenheid, de Genie 2° compagnie Telegrafisten te Calais.

Van 22 mei 1916 tot zijn demobilisatie op 4 september1919 bleef hij bij de eenheid in de standplaatsen De Panne, Bulskamp, Houtem, Roesbrugge, Brussel, Aachen en Krefeld.

http://www.pervijze.be/oudstrijders/DelaleeuweC.htm
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:24    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Vijf honderd jaar Brielsche toren - Een hulde aan de toren in mobilisatietijd (1914-1918) geschreven.
Rotterdamsch Nieuwsblad, 22 mei 1917

http://www.johanbeen.nl/kerk/Catharijnekerk_achter.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:33    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Dagboek Van Een Roosendaler deel III 1917

Dinsdag 22 mei - Dat de Duitsche spionage zich toch over geheel de wereld heeft verspreid en door iedereen gediend wordt, blijkt wel, dat de Pauselijke kamer heer Mgr von Eerlach door de Italiaansche regeering is een proces is gewikkeld, omtrent spionage. Het gerechts hof zag af van de dagvaarding van getuigen, ter zijnen nadeel, alhoewel het getal 250 groot was, en waaronder zich verscheidene kardinalen en o.a. de broeder van den Paus zouden bevinden. Maasbode 22 mei 1917. De Duitsche regeering had zijn net van spionage, voor den oorlog uitbrak, met de grootste zorg gespannen.

Woensdag 23 mei - In een rede gehouden door den minister van marine (tijdelijk minister van oorlog) omt www.gemeent earchiefroo sendaal.nl rent het opwepen den lichting 1908 en zijn verdediging daaromtrent voor den minister van oorlog. Zeide o.a. ,,Er staan nu nog 95000 man onder de wapenen die reeds 3 jaar achtereen dienen” Bij den groote brand in Drenthe zijn behalve 20:25 menschen omgekomen 100 huizen vernield cirea 40 millioen kg turf verbrand, en nog gaat den brand met groote hevigheid voort.

Donderdag 24 mei - Het is erg stil in onze plaats. De soldaten en officieren vervelen zich, wenschen naar huis.

http://www.scribd.com/doc/41128718/Dagboek-Van-Een-Roosendaler-deel-III-1917
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:36    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1/5th Lincolnshire Regiment Medal Citations: 240433 L/Cpl. Arthur BROUGHTON Attached 138th Trench Mortar Battery.

Mentioned in Despatches: L/G 22/05/1917

(Recommended for Distinguished Conduct Medal)
For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty on the night of 8th June 1917 when the 138th Infantry Brigade assaulted the enemy trenches west of LENS. This N.C.O. was in charge of two guns which were some fifteen yards apart and which had some very complicated and intricate firing to perform. About two minutes after the guns opened fire, the enemy retaliated on them with heavy shell and trench mortar fire. One gun and base plate was quickly wrecked but as the aiming parts had not been disturbed, Cpl. Broughton at once went to the gun and put it in action again. In spite of very heavy fire he succeeded in keeping both guns in action throughout the engagement constantly passing from one to another. I have since personally seen the ground and found it pitted with shell and trench mortar holes and to my knowledge five officers and men were killed within a few yards of him at this time. The fact that there guns were kept in action is undoubtedly due to this N.C.O's great coolness and personal gallantry. This N.C.O. has been in the country about two years and has been with the Battery fifteen months and has done constant good work. He has been three times recommended for his gallantry but has not yet been awarded.

http://www.4-lom.com/citations/broughton-arthur-240433.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:39    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

A.K. Lodge, 1917, War Grave, High Easter, Royal West Kent Regiment

http://www.flickr.com/photos/harlowirish/2581946004/
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:42    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

LT. Paul Borda Kurtz KIA WW1 May 22,1918 age 24 Awarded the Croix de Guerre with Star

Kurtz's intimate friends say that few men among the thousands who flocked to the aid of France loved that land and its people as did this Philadelphia youth who went from Harvard in the summer of 1915 to become one of the early volunteers in the ambulance service.

When the United States entered the war in 1917, Kurtz had served through a dozen battles since 1915 scattered along the ragged line from Dunkirk to Alsace with the famous pioneer unit.

When he resigned his commission as commander of Section Eighteen of the ambulance service to enter the aviation service, Paul wrote to his parents in Philadelphia: "I feel that we owe a debt of gratitude to France which mere 'unlimited credit' can never pay. I have done a lot of thinking and have resolved that if the chance should ever come I would show her that there are Americans who could give their lives, if necessary, as long as they knew they were doing what was right."

Captain Rickenbacker, who led the patrol on which Kurtz lost his life, tells how the new recruit labored to master control of an aeroplane unfamiliar to him that he might participate in battle. It was on the first critical patrol over the lines that Kurtz lost his life. Returning home after his first fight, his machine suddenly dived groundward and burst into flames May 22,1918. The following day, when he was laid to rest in the little American cemetery near Toul, comrades of the Ninety-Fourth showered the grave, from planes overhead, with wreaths of flowers, their last tribute to a chum who had given his best, his life, for France.
Kurtz was Awarded the Croix de Guerre with star.

Memorial services in Paul Kurtz's honor were held on July 7, 1918, at Calvary Church, Germantown, Philadelphia in which he had been confirmed, and on the Sunday before his second sailing for France, had received Holy Communion.A bronze placard is in place at Calvary in memory of Lt. Kurtz since 1918.

HALF THE HARVARD CLASS OF 1915 DIED IN WW1

http://www.flickr.com/photos/calvary_germantown/4153402670/
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:43    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

MEDIATIJDLIJN AMSTERDAMSE TRAM - 1918

22 mei 1918 - Op het ’s Gravesandeplein wordt een steen gegooid naar een werkwillige munitiewerker die zich in een tram van lijn 11 bevindt. Een paar ruiten sneuvelen, en de steen treft een politieagent, die daarop zijn revolver trekt. De stenengooiers nemen daarop de benen.

http://www.amsterdamsetrams.nl/tijdlijn/tijdlijn1918.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:49    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Wrestling on horseback, Louvencourt, 22 May 1918

http://www.flickr.com/photos/nationallibrarynz_commons/4939596772/
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 22 Mei 2018 9:37, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:50    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Military aircraft crashes in the south west Midlands - 1918

22/05/1918 SE5A C9509, of 54 Training Squadron collided with a tree on take off from Castle Bromwich. 2/Lt Percy Charles Moynihan was killed. He was the son of Mr G W Moynihan, Gloucester Road, Finsbury Park, London.

http://www.aviationarchaeology.org.uk/marg/crashes1918.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 18:55    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Gruesome Murders Through History: The Axeman of New Orleans

This was a pseudonym used to refer to a serial killer who brought terror to New Orleans, Louisiana from 1918 to 1919. The victims were chosen randomly and no apparent connection was found between the eight victims.

The Axeman’s first victims were the couple Joseph and Catherine Maggio. The two were attacked while sleeping in their home on the evening of May 22, 1918. In the reports, Catherine suffered several blows to her head and her throat was completely severed with a deep cut. Joseph survived the initial attack but died minutes after the scene was discovered.

http://www.weirdexistence.com/gruesome-murders-through-history/
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Sardarapat

On a low ridge is the battle monument of Sardarapat, commemorating the Armenian defeat of an invading Turkish army, May 20-22, 1918. The Turks, coming south down the railroad from Alexandropol (Gyumri), were pushed back, giving the wavering Armenian provisional government the encouragement to declare the independent Republic of Armenia on May 28, 1918.

http://www.armeniapedia.org/index.php?title=Sardarapat
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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William Slim

Veldmaarschalk William Joseph "Bill" Slim, 1st Viscount Slim (Bristol, 6 augustus 1891 – Londen, 14 december 1970) was een Britse militaire commandant en de 13de Gouverneur-generaal van Australië. Hij vocht zowel in de Eerste Wereldoorlog als de Tweede Wereldoorlog en raakte drie keer gewond. (...)

In 1912 ging hij bij het officierenkorps van de Birmingham University en werd op 22 augustus 1914 als tijdelijk tweede luitenant bij de Royal Warwickshire Regiment gevoegd. Slim nam deel aan de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Tijdens de Slag om Gallipoli raakte Slim gewond en keerde terug naar Groot-Brittannië en kreeg een vaste aanstelling als tweede luitenant bij de West India Regiment. In oktober 1916 keerde hij terug naar zijn regiment in Mesopotamië en werd op 4 maart 1917 gepromoveerd tot luitenant. Hij raakte in 1917 voor de tweede keer gewond en kreeg tijdelijk de rang van kapitein en werd op 7 februari 1918 onderscheiden met de Military Cross vanwege zijn handelingen in Mesopotamië. Slim werd geëvacueerd naar India en hem werd op 2 november 1918 tijdelijk de rang van majoor in de 6e Gurkha Rifles gegeven. Op 22 mei 1919 promoveerde hij formeel tot kapitein en werd overgeheveld naar het Brits-Indische leger en werd in 1921 adjudant van het bataljon.

http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Slim
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BerichtGeplaatst: 21 Mei 2011 19:14    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Western Labor News, May 22, 1919

http://1919winnipeggeneralstrike.blogspot.com/2009/05/may-22-newsstand.html
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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Letter - Australian Imperial Force, Personal Effects, 22 May 1918

Summary: Alternative Name(s): Lettergram. Aerogram
Letter from the Australian Imperial Force In Melbourne to Mrs Annie Kemp relating to the return of personal effects from her husband, Private Albert Kemp, a World War I soldier killed in action on 21 September 1917.
The letter explains that she is receiving the a parcel of personal effects from her late husband Private A. E. Kemp, who was killed in the trenches during World War I. It requests that she return an enclosed slip to confirm receipt of the parcel.
The parcel in fact contained the personal effects of another, similarly-named soldier; Private A. E. Kemp's effects were in turn sent to that other person in error.
Each was asked to return the parcel within a matter of weeks. No apology was made for what must have been a heart-rending mistake, made at the A.I.F. Headquarters in London.
Annie eventually received the proper parcel nearly a year later, on 25 May 1919. It contained photographs, postcards, a rosary and a 'religious book' (according to his service record held at the National Archives).
A copy of the letter (probably a carbon copy) is held at the National Archives (barcode 7368872).

Physical Description: Single page off-white paper form letter, printed on both sides. Information has been added with typewriter. Postal stamp (ink) on one side. Letter is irregular at top from having been torn open. Remnants of adhesive tape at tear visible.

Significance: Albert Edward Kemp was a 32-year-old butcher, living at 8 Normanby Ave, Caulfield and married to Annie Josephine, when he enlisted. Born in South Yarra, he was a small man, 5'4½", and weighed only eight stone. He and Annie had a daughter, Ethel Mavis, and a son, George Percival.
Albert enlisted at Royal Park on 4 October 1916, and was assigned to the 22nd Reinforcements, 6th Battalion - regimental number 6800. His battalion left Melbourne 25 October 1916 - just 21 days after Albert enlisted - on the "Ulysses" with two officers and 150 O/Rs. The ship arrived in Plymouth three days after Christmas.
A little over one month later, on 1 February 1917, Albert was disciplined for being absent without leave from midnight and was apprehended the next afternoon. He forfeited 18 days' pay for his offence. He was shipped to France on 27 March, and probably went into action in the trenches. On 13 July Albert was again in trouble, this time for disobeying orders from a superior officer. (It is unclear what his punishment was, but "48 hours" may refer to imprisonment).
Two months later, on 21 September 1917, Albert died in the trenches in Glencross Wood, France (according to his memorial medal and the Roll of Honour, but his Field Service record says he died in Belgium). He is buried at 29 The Ypres (Menin Gate) Memorial, Belgium. His name is located at panel 47 in the Commomorative Area at the Australian War Memorial.
Some time in 1918, Albert's belongings were sent in error to a family who had lost a member by the same name in Wonthaggi, and Annie received that man's belongings. In June she was asked to return the other Pte Kemp's belongings.
Annie received a war pension, but appears to have fallen on hard times - suggested by her need for assistance with a grocery bill approved in one of the documents. She moved to 19 Raleigh St, Malvern in 1922. It is unclear what happened to Ethel, as only George is mentioned from the early 1920s. Further research is required.
The family's home at 8 Normanby Ave is still standing, largely with original façade; their street overall is also largely original.

Text: AUSTRALIAN IMPERIAL FORCE./BASE RECORDS OFFICE/VICTORIA BARRACKS/MELBOURNE 22nd May 1918/Dear Madam,/Forwarded herewith, per separate parcel post, one package/containing personal effects of the late No. 6800, Private A.E. Kemp/6th Battalion, received ex "Euripides"/as per inventory attached./I shall be much obliged if you will kindly let me know whether same/comes safely to hand, by signing and returning enclosed printed receipt.

https://collections.museumvictoria.com.au/items/1243502
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 9:49    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Bendigo Advertiser, 22 May 1918: EGG-THROWING INCIDENT WARWICK. SENIOR-SERGEANT KELLY TRANSFERRED.

BRISBANE—An echo of the egg-throwing incident at Warwick during the conscription campaign was uttered by the Home Secretary, Mr. Huxham, who on Tuesday admitted that Senior-Sergeant Kelly had been transferred to Gympie.
The significance of the transfer lies in the fact that Senior-Sergeant Kelly was the officer who figured so prominently in the incident which prompted the establishment of the Commonwealth police force.

Nog meer mensen die willen weten wat hier gebeurd is?? https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/90922804
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 9:55    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

V. I. Lenin - On The Famine. A Letter To The Workers Of Petrograd - 22 May, 1918

Comrades, the other day your delegate, a Party comrade, a worker in the Putilov Works, called on me. This comrade drew a detailed and extremely harrowing picture of the famine in Petrograd. We all know that the food situation is just as acute in many of the industrial gubernias, that famine is knocking just as cruelly at the door of the workers and the poor generally.

And side by side with this we observe an spammer of profiteering in grain and other food products. The famine is not due to the fact that there is no grain in Russia, but to the fact that the bourgeoisie and the rich generally are putting up a last decisive fight against the rule of the toilers, against the state of the workers, against Soviet power, on this most important and acute of issues, the issue of bread. The bourgeoisie and the rich generally, including the rural rich, the kulaks, are thwarting the grain monopoly; they are disrupting the distribution of grain undertaken by the state for the purpose and in the interests of supplying bread to the whole of the population, and in the first place to the workers, the toilers, the needy. The bourgeoisie are disrupting the fixed prices, they are profiteering in grain, they are making a hundred, two hundred and more rubles’ profit on every pood of grain; they are disrupting the grain monopoly and the proper distribution of grain by resorting to bribery and corruption and by deliberately supporting everything tending to destroy the power of the workers, which is endeavouring to put into effect the prime, basic and root principle of socialism: “He who does not work, neither shall he eat.” “He who does not work, neither shall he eat”—every toiler understands that. Every worker, every poor and even middle peasant, everybody who has suffered need in his lifetime, everybody who has ever lived by his own labour, is in agreement with this. Nine-tenths of the population of Russia are in agreement with this truth. In this simple, elementary and perfectly obvious truth lies the basis of socialism, the indefeasible source of its strength, the indestructible pledge of its final victory.

But the whole point is that it is one thing to subscribe to this truth, to swear one’s allegiance to it, to give it verbal recognition, but it is quite different to be able to put it into effect. When hundreds of thousands and millions of people are suffering the pangs of hunger (in Petrograd, in the non-agricultural gubernias, and in Moscow) in a country where millions upon millions of poods of grain are being concealed by the rich, the kulaks, and the profiteers-in a country which calls itself a socialist Soviet Republic-there is something to which every conscious worker and peasant must give serious and profound thought.

“He who does not work, neither shall he eat”—how is this to be put into effect? It is as clear as daylight that in order to put it into effect we require, first, a state grain monopoly, i.e., the absolute prohibition of all private trade in grain, the compulsory delivery of all surplus grain to the state at a fixed price, the absolute prohibition of all hoarding and concealment of surplus grain, no matter by whom. Secondly, we require the strictest registration of all grain surpluses, faultless organisation of the transportation of grain from places of abundance to places of shortage, and the building up of reserves for consumption, for processing, and for seed. Thirdly, we require a just and proper distribution of bread, controlled by the workers’ state, the proletarian state, among all the citizens of the state, a distribution which will permit of no privileges and advantages for the rich.

One has only to reflect ever so slightly on these conditions for coping with the famine to see the abysmal stupidity of the contemptible anarchist windbags, who deny the necessity of a state power (and, what is more, a power ruthless in its severity towards the bourgeoisie and ruthlessly firm towards disorganisers of government) for the transition from capitalism to communism and for the ridding of the working people of all forms of oppression and exploitation. It is at this moment, when our revolution has directly, concretely, and practically approached the tasks involved in the realisation of socialism-and therein lies its inestimable merit-it is at this moment, and exactly in connection with this most important of issues, the issue of bread, that the need becomes absolutely clear for an iron revolutionary rule, for a dictatorship of the proletariat, for the organisation of the collection of food products, their transportation, and distribution on a mass, national scale, taking into account the requirements of tens and hundreds of millions of people, calculating the conditions and the results of production for a year and many years ahead (for there are sometimes years of crop failure, sometimes land improvements essential for increasing grain crops require years of work, and so forth).

Romanov and Kerensky left to the working class a country utterly impoverished by their predatory, criminal, and most terrible war, a country picked clean by Russian and foreign imperialists. Bread will suffice for all only if we keep the strictest account of every pood, only if every pound is distributed absolutely evenly. There is also an acute shortage of bread for machines, i.e., fuel; the railways and factories will come to a standstill, unemployment and famine will bring ruin on the whole nation, if we do not bend every effort to establish a strict and ruthless economy of consumption and proper distribution. We are faced by disaster, it is very near. An intolerably difficult May will be followed by a still more difficult June, July and August.

Our state grain monopoly exists in law, but in practice it is being thwarted at every step by the bourgeoisie. The rural rich, the kulak, the parasite who has been robbing the whole neiglibourliood for decades, prefers to enrich himself by profiteering and illicit distilling.. it is so good for his pocket, and he can throw the blame for the famine on Soviet power. That, too, is the line of the political defenders of the kulak-the Constitutional-Democrats, the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries, and the Mensheviks-who are overtly and covertly “working” against the grain monopoly and against Soviet power. The party of the spineless, i.e., the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, are displaying their spinelessness here too: they are yielding to the covetous howls and outcries of the bourgeoisie, they are crying out against the grain monopoly, they are “protesting” against the food dictatorship, they are allowing themselves to be intimidated by the bourgeoisie, they are afraid to fight the kulak, and are flapping about hysterically, recommending that the fixed prices be raised, that private trading be permitted, and so forth.

This party of the spineless reflects in politics something akin to what takes place in ordinary life when the kulak incites the poor peasants against the Soviets, bribes them by, say, letting some poor peasant have a pood of grain not for six, but for three rubles, so that the poor peasant, thus corrupted, may himself “make a bit” by profiteering, may “turn a penny” by selling that pood of grain at a profiteering price of one hundred and fifty rubles, and himself become a decrier of the Soviets, which have prohibited private trading in grain.

Anyone who is capable of reflecting, anyone who is willing to reflect ever so little, will see clearly what line this fight has taken.

Either the advanced and class-conscious workers triumph and unite the poor peasant masses around themselves, establish rigorous order, a mercilessly severe rule, a genuine dictatorship of the proletariat-either they compel the kulak to submit, and institute a proper distribution of food and fuel on a national scale; or the bourgeoisie, with the help of the kulaks, and with the indirect support of the spineless and muddle-headed (the anarchists and the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries), will overthrow Soviet power and set up a Russo-German or a Russo-Japanese Kornilov, who will present the people with a sixteen-hour working day, an ounce of bread per week, mass shooting of workers and torture in dungeons, as has been the case in Finland and the Ukraine.

Either—or.

There is no middle course. The situation of the country is desperate in the extreme.

Anyone who reflects upon political life cannot fail to see that the Constitutional-Democrats,. the Right SocialistRevolutionaries, and the Mensheviks are coming to an understanding about who would be “pleasanter”, a RussoGerman or a Russo-Japanese Kornilov, about who would crush the revolution more effectively and reliably, a crowned or a republican Kornilov.

It is time all class-conscious and advanced workers came to an understanding. It is time they bestirred themselves and realised that every minute’s delay may spell ruin to the country and ruin to the revolution.

Half-measures will be of no avail. Complaining will lead us nowhere. Attempts to secure bread or fuel “in retail fashion”, “each man for himself”, i.e., for “o-ur” factory, “our” workshop, are only increasing the disorganisation and facilitating for the profiteers their selfish, filthy, and blackguardly work.

That is why, comrades, workers of Petrograd, I have taken the liberty of addressing this letter to you. Petrograd is not Russia. The Petrograd workers are only a small part of the workers of Russia. But they are one of the best, the advanced, most class-conscious, most revolutionary, most steadfast detachments of the working class and of all the working people of Russia, and one of the least liable to succumb to empty phrases, to spineless despair and to the intimidation of the bourgeoisie. And it has frequently happened at critical moments in the life of nations that even small advanced detachments of advanced classes have carried the rest with them, have fired the masses with revolutionary enthusiasm, and have accomplished tremendous historical feats.

“There were forty thousand of us at the Putilov Works,” the delegate from the Petrograd workers said to me. “But the majority of them were ’temporary’ workers, not proletarians, an unreliable, flabby lot. Now there are fifteen thousand left, but these are proletarians, tried and steeled in the fight.”

That is the sort of vanguard of the revolution-in Petrograd and throughout the country-that must sound the call, must rise together, must understand that the salvation of the country is in their hands, that from them is demanded a heroism no less than that which they displayed in January and October 1905 and in February paid October 1917, that a great “crusade” must be organised against the grain profiteers, the kulaks, the parasites, the disorganisers and bribetakers, a great “crusade” against the violators of strictest state order in the collection, transportation, and distribution of bread for the people and bread for the machines.

The country and the revolution can be saved only by the mass effort of the advanced workers. We need tens of thousands of advanced and steeled proletarians, class-conscious enough to explain matters to the millions of poor peasants all over the country and to assume the leadership of these millions, resolute enough to ruthlessly cast out of their midst and shoot all who allow themselves to be “tempted” as indeed happens-by the temptations of profiteering and turn from fighters for the cause of the people into robbers; we need proletarians steadfast enough and devoted enough to the revolution to bear in an organised way all the hardships of the crusade and take it to every corner of the country for the establishment of order, for the consolidation of the local organs of Soviet power, and for the exercise of control in the localities over every pood of grain and every pood of fuel.

It is rather more difficult to do this than to display heroism for a few days without leaving one’s accustomed place, without joining in a crusade, confining oneself to an impulsive uprising against the idiot monster Romanov or the fool and braggart Kerensky. Heroism displayed in prolonged and persevering organisational work on a national scale is immensely more difficult than, but at the same time immensely superior to, heroism displayed in an uprising. But the strength of working-class parties, the strength of the working class has always been that it looks danger boldly, squarely and openly in the face, that it does not fear to admit danger and soberly weighs the forces in “our” camp and in “the other” camp, the camp of the exploiters. The revolution is progressing, developing, and growing. The tasks we face are also growing. The struggle is broadening and deepening. Proper distribution of bread and fuel, their procurement in greater quantities and the very strict account and control of them by the workers on a national scale-that is the real and chief prelude to socialism. That is no longer a “general revolutionary” task but a communist task, a task which requires that the working people and the poor engage capitalism in a decisive battle.

And this battle is worth giving all one’s strength to it; the difficulties are grea’c, but so is the cause of the abolition of oppression and exploitation for which we are fighting.

When the people are starving, when unemployment is becoming ever more terrible, anyone who conceals an extra pood of grain, anyone who deprives the state of a pood of fuel is an out-and-out criminal.

At such a time-and for a genuinely communist society, it is always true-every pood of grain and fuel is veritably sacred, much more so than the sacred things which priests use to confuse the minds of fools, promising them the kingdom of heaven as a reward for slavery on earth. And in order to rid this genuinely sact.ed thing of every remnant of the “sacredness” of the priests, we must take possession of it practically, we must achieve its proper distribution in practice, we must collect the whole of it without exception; every particle of surplus grain must be brought into the state stores, the whole country must be swept clean of concealed or ungarnered grain surpluses; we need the firm hand of the worker to harness every effort to increase the output of fuel and to secure the greatest economy of fuel, the greatest efficiency in its transportation and consumption.

We need a mass “crusade” of the advanced workers to every centre of production of grain and fuel, to every important centre of supply and distribution-a mass “crusade” to increase the intensity of work tenfold, to assist the local organs of Soviet power in the matter of accounting and control, and to eradicate profiteering, graft, and slovenliness by armed force. This is not a new task. History, properly speaking, is not advancing new tasks-all it is doing is to increase the size and scope of old tasks as the scope of the revolution, its difficulties, and the greatness of its worldhistoric aim increase.

One of the greatest and indefeasible accomplishments of the October Revolution-the Soviet revolution-is that the advanced worker, as the leader of the poor, as the leader of the toiling masses of the countryside, as the builder of the state of the toilers, has “gone among the people.”

Petrograd and other proletarian centres have given thousands upon thousands of their best workers to the countryside. The detachments of fighters against the Kaledins and Dutoys, and the food detachments, are nothing new. Only the proximity of disaster, the acuteness of the situation compel us to do ten times more than before.

When the worker became the vanguard leader of the poor he did not thereby become a saint. He led the people forward, but he also became infected with the diseases of petty-bourgeois disintegration. The fewer the detachments of best organised, of most class-conscious, and most disciplined and steadfast workers were, the more frequently did these detachments degenerate, the more frequently did the small-proprietor instincts of the past triumph over the proletarian-communist consciousness of the future.

Having begun the communist revolution, the working class cannot instantly discard the weaknesses and vices inherited from the society of landowners and capitalists, the society of exploiters and parasites, the society based on the filthy selfishness and personal gain of a few and the poverty of the many. But the working class can vanquish the old world—and in the end will certainly and inevitably vanquish it—with its vices and weaknesses, if against the enemy are brought ever greater detachments of workers, ever more enlightened by experience and tempered by the hardships of the struggle.

Such and only such is the state of affairs in Russia today. Single-handed and disunited, we shall not be able to cope with famine and unemployment. We need a mass “crusade” of advanced workers to every corner of this vast country. We need ten times more iron detachments of the proletariat, class-conscious and boundlessly devoted to communism. Then we shall triumph over famine and unemployment. Then we shall make the revolution the real prelude to socialism, and then, too, we shall be in a position to conduct a victorious war of defense against the imperialist vultures.

May 22, 1918
N. Lenin

https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1918/may/22b.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 9:59    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

22 May 1917 - Crisis in Austria-Hungary

With hunger and discontent spreading among the civilian and military populations of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, a crisis mounts within its government, as Hungarian Prime Minister Istvan Tisza resigns at the request of the Austrian emperor, Karl I, on May 22, 1917.

A great power in decline when World War I broke out in 1914, Austria-Hungary was a predominately agricultural society but was not agriculturally self-sufficient. The war had cut off the empire’s two main sources of food, Russia and Romania, and the military effort cut domestic production significantly: by 1917, Austria’s output of wheat had fallen to less than half of its 1913 total, and that of rye and oats had fallen even more. To make matters worse, Hungary—Austria’s less powerful partner in the so-called Dual Monarchy—had closed its frontier with Austria in 1914 and ceased to consider its agricultural produce as a common resource, choosing instead to sell whatever surplus it had to the army and to Germany. Defeat on the battlefield against Russia in the first years of war forced Austria-Hungary to rely heavily on its ally, Germany, to keep them in the war effort, and the Italian entrance into the war in 1915 forced the Austrians to fight on yet another front, to the south.

On November 21, 1916, Emperor Franz Josef died; he was succeeded by his great-nephew, Karl I, who assumed supreme command of the army, dismissing longtime chief of the general staff, Conrad von Hotzendorff. Though the new emperor promised to institute reforms and build consensus within the Dual Monarchy, his efforts led initially to disorder and dissent. Karl’s liberalism posed a direct challenge to the Hungarian government and its prime minister, Ivan Tisza. His reformist opposition within Hungary, Party of Independence, led by Mihaly Karolyi, favored a total break with Austria when the compromise between the two nations came up for renewal in 1917.

Socialists and revolutionaries supported Karolyi, who organized major demonstrations in Budapest on May 1, 1917. Meanwhile, though he had urged restraint in 1914, Tisza was by now associated in the mind of the Hungarian public with the aggressive prosecution of a war effort many had come to see as hopeless, and had begun to lose much-needed support. At the emperor’s request, he tendered his resignation on May 22, 1917. He was succeeded by Moritz Esterhazy, who expressed his desire to build “Hungarian democracy”; the new deal between Austria and Hungary, signed in December, would last just two years, not the expected 20. Still blamed for the continued war effort, and its impending failure, Tisza was assassinated on October 31, 1918, by Magyar members of the Communist Red Guard.

Meanwhile, barely a week after Tisza’s resignation in May 1917, Austria-Hungary experienced the first of a series of mutinies within its army. Led by nationalist groups, the first mutiny involved a group of Slovenes; no sooner had it been suppressed than others broke out, led by Serbs, Rusyns (or Ruthenians) and Czechs.

https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/crisis-in-austria-hungary
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 10:01    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The White man’s task by Jan Smuts, 22 May 1917

Before the country had time to settle down under Union, South Africa was fighting in the Great War. After the conquest of both German South West and East Africa, General Smuts proceeded to London to join the Empire War Cabinet and to render brilliant services to the Allies. One of his most notable and prophetic speeches on African problems was delivered at a dinner given in his honour under the chairmanship of Lord Selborne at the Savoy Hotel on May 22, 1917. In it he gives some of the guiding principles of our native policy.

GENERAL SMUTS said:

I am deeply grateful to you for the reception you have given me here tonight. I am thankful to you. Lord Selborne, for what you have said. Your words tonight carry me back to that period in our history when I was serving under you and was a fellow-labourer with you in what will probably remain the greatest creative epoch in the history of South Africa.

The various South African societies, together with the Imperial Institute, have combined in order to do me this honour, and I am very glad to have you all together on this occasion. I know that there are many here tonight who have, at one time or another, differed from me. Sometimes the differences have been very acute, but tonight all these differences have been swallowed up and forgotten in the great constructive tasks in which we are all engaged. It is a matter of great gratification to me to think that after all, notwithstanding all those differences in the past, you can say tonight to me: "You have not done so badly after all,"

This function, of all the various functions I have so far attended, appeals most to me, because it is really not in honour of me, but in honour of that far-away, dear land, which most of us have served and with which most of us have been associated in the past. Tonight we are really met together here as members of the South African family; some born into it, some married into it, some old servants who have grown grey in her hard service and who have given the best years of their lives to that service here we can all sit together, forgetting Europe, forgetting the storms raging outside, and our minds can travel back to the sun-filled spaces of Southern Africa, to its amazing history, and its immense tasks. A great historian has said:

"On those whom the gods love they lavish infinite joys and infinite sorrows." On that principle surely South Africa must be a special favourite of the gods. She has known joys and sorrows; she has known the deepest abasement and she has known the highest exaltation. The history of South Africa is in many respects one of the true and great romances in modern history.

When I look around tonight and I see all who are sitting here at this table, I feel, and you all feel, that we are lifted out of the world of commonplace into a strange world. We feel that whatever the past has been, whatever mistakes we have made and we have all made mistakes whatever services we have been able to render to our South Africa, a kind Providence has intervened and has woven all those mistakes and all those services into a strange and wonderful texture which we call the history of South Africa and of which we are very proud. When we look at that wonderful history we are all cheered and encouraged to move forward in the hope that as our task has not been too difficult for us in the past it may not prove entirely beyond us in the future.

There are very grave questions before South Africa, and these questions will probably increase in magnitude after this war. Now the Ten Plagues are being poured over Europe in this war, and they will be followed by the Exodus in due course. You will see very large numbers of people, after this war, sick of the Old World and looking to the young countries for a new home where they may find peace. I am sure that many of you will find in our large country, our wide spaces, just that repose for body and soul that you desire. We look forward to great times, to great developments in South Africa, and it will be the task of our Governments in South Africa to make the best use of the unique opportunities for a forward move that will be presented by the times that will follow the war.

But in South Africa we always feel that there is something more. With us it is never a question of merely material progress and of prosperity, although we are always very eager to have those good things too; we always feel that under our peculiar historical and racial conditions there are very large political problems in the background which always press for solution. And that is what gives profound interest to life in South Africa. We have made very great progress in recent years. If you remember that it was within seven years of the Boer War that we had all the British Colonies of South Africa united in one great Union you will see how great and rapid that progress has been. But although we have achieved political union, our aim has always been far greater; we have aimed not only at political union, but also at national unity; and when you have to deal with very hard-headed races, such as our people in South Africa, both English and Dutch, you can well understand that it takes more than seven years to bring about that consummation. We have grave difficulties in this respect. We have different racial strains, different political tendencies.

We have people in South Africa who prefer isolation, who prefer to stand aside from the great currents that are carrying South Africa to her new and greater destiny. These are not merely Dutch, many of them are English. We have English fellow-citizens who will always remain English; to whom even the sunshine and the wide spaces of South Africa are not sufficient to bring about the great transformation of soul. We look forward patiently in such cases to the next generation. We have also a large section of my own people, the Dutch people in South Africa, who think that the best policy is for them to stand aside and to remain, in isolation. They think that in that way they will be better able to preserve their language, their traditions, and their national type, and that they will in that way not be swallowed up and be submerged by the new currents. They point to the precedent of Canada, where French-Canadians are also standing aside from the general current of Canadian life and national development for the same reasons. Now, you know, that is the issue which is being fought out now in South Africa, and has been fought out in recent years more acutely than ever before.

The policy General Botha and his associates have stood for is that we must have national unity in South Africa as the one true basis of future stability and strength - and that national unity is entirely consistent with the preservation of our language, our traditions, our cultural interests, and all that is dear to us in our past. The view we have taken is this that the different elements in our white populations ought really to be used to build up a stronger and more powerful nation than would have been possible if we had consisted of purely one particular strain. All great Imperial peoples really are a mixture of various stocks. Your own history is one of the completes proofs of that doctrine, and it is only in recent years that this remarkable doctrine of the pure race has come into vogue, and largely in Germany. The man who has preached the doctrine most eloquently is a Germanised English man, Houston Chamberlain. The doctrine is to the ef f ect that the governing races of the world are pure races, and that they simply debase themselves and become degenerate if mixed with alien blood. They must remain pure, and in so far as they do so they will play a great part in the world. It is more than hinted at that the German race must guide the world because it is one of these pure races. What arrant nonsense!

We do not pretend in South Africa to listen to these siren voices. We want to create a blend out of the various nationalities and to create a new South African nation out of our allied racial stock, and if we succeed in doing that we shall achieve a new nationality embracing and harmonising our various traits and blending them all into a richer national type than could otherwise have been achieved. The ideal of national unity means a continuous effort towards better relations, towards mutual respect and forbearance, towards co-operation, and that breadth of view and character, which will be the most potent instrument for dealing with our other problems. Although in South Africa our national progress is marked by the ox-waggon and not by the train or aeroplane, I am sure in the end we shall achieve success and a new nationhood.

And this is more important because in South Africa we are not merely a white man's country. Our problem of white racial unity is being solved in the midst of the black environment in South Africa. Whether we shall succeed in solving that other larger question of the black man's future depends on many factors on which no one could feel very much assurance at present. We know that on the African Continent at various times there have been attempts at civilisation. We read of a great Saracen civilisation in Central Africa, and of the University of Timbuctoo, to which students came from other parts of the world. Rhodesia also shows signs of former civilisation.

Where are those civilisations now? They have all disappeared, and barbarism once more rules over the land and makes the thoughtful man nervous about the white man's future in Southern Africa. There are many people in South Africa - and not very foolish people either - who do not feel certain that our white experiment will be a permanent success, or that we shall ever succeed in making a white man's land of Southern Africa; but, at any rate, we mean to press on with the experiment. It has now been in progress for some two hundred and fifty years, as you know, and perhaps the way we have set about it may be the right way. Former civilisations in Africa have existed mostly for the purpose of exploiting the native populations, and in that way, and probably also through inter-mixture of blood, carried in them the seeds of decay.

We have started by creating a new white base in South Africa and today we are in a position to move forward towards the North and the civilisation of the African Continent. Our problem is a very difficult one, however; quite unique in its way. In the United States there is a similar problem of black and white with the negro population. But there you have had an overwhelming white population with a smaller negro element in the midst of it. In South Africa the situation is reversed. There you have an overwhelming black population with a small white population which has got a footing there and which has been trying to make that footing secure for more than two centuries.

You will therefore understand that a problem like that is not only uncertain in its ultimate prospects, but is most difficult in the manner that it should be dealt with. Much experience has been gained, and there are indications that we have come to some certain results. You remember how some Christian missionaries, who went to South Africa in the first half of the Nineteenth Century in their full belief in human brotherhood, proceeded to marry native wives to prove the faith that was in them. We have gained sufficient experience since then to smile at that point of view. With us there are certain axioms now in regard to the relations of white and black; and the principal one is " no intermixture of blood between the two colours." It is probably true that earlier civilisations have largely failed because that principle was never recognised, civilising races being rapidly submerged in the quicksands of the African blood. It has now become an accepted axiom in our dealings with the natives that it is dishonourable to mix white and black blood.

We have settled another axiom, and that is that in all our dealings with the natives we must build our practice on what I believe Lord Cromer has called the granite bedrock of the Christian moral code. Honesty, fair-play, justice, and the ordinary Christian virtues must be the basis of all our relations with the natives. We don't always practice them. We don't always practice that exalted doctrine, but the vast bulk of the white population in South Africa believe sincerely in that doctrine as correct and true; they are convinced that they must stick to the fundamental Christian morality if they want to do their duty to the natives and make a success of their great country. Of course, this doctrine applies to other countries besides South Africa.

If you ask me what is wrong with Europe - although no wise man would express an opinion on such a great matter - I should say the moral basis in Europe, the bedrock of the Christian moral code, has become undermined and can no longer support all that super-structure of economic and industrial prosperity which the last century has built up on it, and the vast whole is now sagging. The same argument applies much more to the natives of Africa. Natives have the simplest minds, understand only the simplest ideas or ideals, and are almost animal-like in the simplicity of their minds and ways. If we want to make a success of our native policy in South Africa we shall have to proceed on the simplest moral lines and on that basis of the Christian moral code. I think we are all agreed on those two points on what I have called the racial and moral axioms.

I wish we had made more progress and also discovered some political axiom and knowledge how to deal politically with our immense native problem. But although in this regard nothing can be taken as axiomatic, we have gained a great deal of experience in our history, and there is now shaping in South Africa a policy which is becoming expressed in our institutions which may have very far-reaching effects in the future civilisation of the African Continent. We have realised that political ideas, which apply to our white civilisation largely, do not apply to the administration of native affairs. To apply the same institutions on an equal basis to white and black alike does not lead to the best results, and so a practice has grown up in South Africa of creating parallel institutions - giving the natives their own separate institutions on parallel lines with institutions for whites. It may be that on those parallel lines we may yet be able to solve a problem, which may otherwise be insoluble.

More than twenty years ago, as many of you re­member, an experiment in native self-government was begun by Cecil Rhodes in the old Cape Colony which gave local institutions to the natives in Glen Grey reserve. That principle has been extended over a large part of the old Transkeian territories, and so successful has it been that when we came to framing the Act of Union an Appendix was added about the future administration of the Protectorates when they should become incorporated into the Union. This Appendix was largely the work of our chairman. Lord Selborne. He fought with extraordinary tenacity for that Appendix, and I am not sure, although I did not see the importance of the matter in those days, whether in the distant future the South Africa Act will not be remembered as much for its Appendix as for its principal contents. This Appendix laid down that the native territories in South Africa should be governed apart from the Parliamentary institutions of the Union and on different lines which would achieve the principle of native self-government. Subsequently Commissions have been appointed in South Africa to inquire into native questions, and more and more the trend of opinion has hardened in the same direction. We have felt more and more that if we are to solve our native question it is useless to try to govern black and white in the same system, to subject them to the same institutions of government and legislation. They are dif­ferent not only in colour but in minds and in political capacity, and their political institutions should be different, while always proceeding on the basis of self-government. One very important Commission had, I believe . Sir Godfrey Lagden as chairman, and as a result of that and other Commissions we have now legislation before the Parliament of the Union in which an attempt is made to put into shape these ideas I am talking of, and to create all over South Africa, wherever there are any considerable native communities, independent self-governing institutions for them.

Instead of mixing up black and white in the old hap­hazard way, which instead of lifting up the black degraded the white, we are now trying to lay down a policy of keeping them apart as much as possible in our institutions. In land ownership, settlement and forms of government we are trying to keep them apart, and in that way laying down in outline a general policy which it may take a hundred years to work out, but which in the end may be the solution of our native problem. Thus in South Africa you will have in the long run large areas cultivated by blacks and governed by blacks, where they will look after themselves in all their forms of living and development, while in the rest of the country you will have your white communities, which will govern themselves separately according to the accepted European principles. The natives will, of course, be free to go and to work in the white areas, but as far as possible the adminis­tration of white and black areas will be separated, and such that each will be satisfied and developed accord­ing to its own proper lines. This is the attempt which we are making now in South Africa to solve the juxtaposition of white and black in the same country, and although the principles underlying our legislation could not be considered in any way axiomatic, I am sure that we are groping towards the right lines, which may in the end tend to be the solution of the most difficult problem confronting us.

As I have already said, we have started in previous times to civilise Africa from the North. All these attempts at civilisation from the North have failed. We now try to proceed from the other end from South Africa. We have built up a stable white com­munity in the south of the Continent and given them a training for two hundred years, and they have learned the ways of Africa, which are not the ways of other parts of the world. And now we are ready to go for­ward, and, as you know, in the last few decades enormous progress has already been made in this expansion towards the North. All our people in South Africa, English as well as Dutch, have taken part in this great movement towards the North, which is proceeding ever farther, and the time is coming when it will be almost a misnomer to speak of " South " Africa, because the northern limits of our civilisation will have gone so far that it will be almost impossible to use the word " South " any more except in reminder of our original starting-point.

Great developments have taken place not only in Southern Africa, but in Central Africa in our day. You will remember that only fifty or sixty years ago Central Africa was a place for the explorer and discoverer, a land of mystery, of pigmies and other wonders of which we read in the books of Stanley and others. In a couple of decades Central Africa has marched right into the centre of world politics, and tonight in this great assembly we are not only interested in Southern Africa, but also those other enormous territories farther north, which our troops from South Africa and other parts of the Empire have conquered and occupied. What the future of that country will be no one knows.

I must say that my experience in East Africa has opened my eyes to many very serious dangers that threaten the future, not only of Southern Africa, but also of Europe. We have seen, what we have never known before, what enormously valuable military material lay in the Black Continent. You are aware of the great German scheme which existed before the war, and which no doubt is still in the background of many minds in Germany, of creating a great Central African Empire which would embrace not only Cameroon and East Africa, but also the Portuguese Colonies and the Congo - an extensive area which would have a very large population and would not only be one of the most valuable tropical parts of the world, but in which it would be possible to train one of the most powerful black armies of the world.

We were not aware of the great military value of the natives until this war. This war has been an eye-opener in many new directions. It will be a serious question for the statesmen of the Empire and Europe whether they are going to allow a state of affairs like that to be possible, and to become a menace not only to Africa, but perhaps to Europe itself. I hope that one of the results of this war will be some arrangement or convention among the nations interested in Central Africa by which the military training of natives in that area will be prevented, as we have prevented it in South Africa. It can well be foreseen that armies may yet be trained there, which under proper leading might prove a danger to civilisation itself. I hope that will be borne in mind when the day for the settlement in Africa comes up for consideration.

You will have further questions in regard to the territorial settlement of Central Africa, which will follow the war. We are now, after the conquest of the Ger­man Colonies, in the happy position of having a through land route from Egypt to the Cape. We are in the secure position of having no danger on the Atlantic seaboard or on the Indian seaboard to our very essential sea communications as an Empire. What will happen to these communications after the settlement will depend on that settlement itself, but I hope it will be borne in mind that East Africa gives us not only this through land communication from one end of the Continent to the other, but that East Africa also ensures to us the safety of the sea route round the Cape and the sea route through the Red Sea to the East. It is a matter of gratification to us South Africans here tonight that South African troops have taken such a large and leading share in securing these extremely valuable results. I sincerely hope that, whatever settlement is come to, these larger considerations which I have referred to will be borne in mind.

We shall always have a difficult question not only in Central but in Southern Africa. Unlike other British Dominions, our future as a white civilisation is not assured for the reasons, which I have given. Many thoughtful people are in doubt about our future, and in any case no cheap and easy victory will be scored in South Africa.

We know we have tremendous problems to contend with. We know we have tremendous tasks before us, and in dealing with these problems and in trying to fulfil these tasks one generation of South Africans after another will brace its nerves and strengthen its intellect and broaden its mind and character. Although these difficulties may seem to us, and indeed are, grave perils to our future, I trust that in the long run these difficulties may prove a blessing in disguise and may prove to have afforded the training school for a large-minded, broad-minded, magnanimous race, capable not only of welding together different racial elements into a new and richer national type, but capable of dealing as no other white race in history has ever dealt with the question of the relations between black and white. . . .

References: Smuts, J.C. (1942). Plans For A Better World: Speeches of Field-Marshal the Right Honourable J.C. Smuts, P.C., C.H., K.C., D.T.D. , London: Hodder & Stoughton.

http://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/white-man%E2%80%99s-task-jan-smuts-22-may-1917
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 10:05    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

22 May 1917 - WW1 Blog - Jersey Heritage: Further lighting restrictions come into force

The Lieutenant Governor, General Alexander Wilson, has issued a further order on public lighting in line with changes passed by the UK Government. It follows the decision to adopt the Summer Time Act for the duration of the war and means that from 1 May to 31 August, lights must be obscured from 10.00pm until one hour after sunrise.

The restrictions affect owners of homes, hotels and shops, who must ensure that all inside windows are ‘screened by shutters or dark blinds or dark curtains’ leaving minimal light visible from the outside. The order extends to vehicles, with drivers expected to ensure they comply with the lighting requirements.

Further plans will restrict the use of shop signs and illuminated fascias or other outside lights when the premises are closed to customers. The only permitted exceptions to this rule have to be approved by the authorities. Among those affected and seeking clarification of what is permissible are the organisers of evening band concerts in St Helier’s Triangle Park. Writing on behalf of the committee, secretary Fred Ashelford has been enquiring whether they can illuminate the bandstand with gas lights after dusk.

https://www.jerseyheritage.org/ww1-blog/22-may-1917
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 10:07    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

22 May 1917 - Private Herbert Killian died of his wounds on this day

13766 Private Herbert Killian East Lancashire Regiment

Herbert Killian was born in Burnley in the second quarter of 1898.

Age 13, in 1911, Herbert was employed in a nut and bolts works. He lived with his father Michael, a coal miner (hewer), and his mother Margaret, who worked in the cotton mill. The family of 10 were living in a four room house in Burnley in 1911, moving to 16 Morley Street by 1917.

Herbert was 16 and a few months when he enlisted with the 9th East Lancashire Regiment on 10 September 1914. On the 13 September he was posted to Sussex, spending two weeks billeted in Lewes before moving down to the 22nd Division training camp at Seaford. Physical fitness and military training continued here through to September 1915, with a spell in Aldershot in the Spring.

The 22nd Division were sent to Salonica in October 1915 where they remained for the duration of the war.

Like many, Herbert contracted Malaria. He recovered and had been returned to his regiment when he was wounded in his back, chest and arm in April 1917. Advised of his injuries in a telegram, his parents then learnt of Herbert's death on 22 May 1917.

http://www.westernfrontassociation.com/on-this-day/22-may-1917-private-herbert-killian-died-of-his-wounds-on-this-day/
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 10:11    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

A Brief Version of the Lynching of Ell Persons on May 22, 1917

In May, 1917 the decapitated body of a 16 year old white girl, named Antoinette Rappel, a student at Treadwell School, was found at the old Wolf River Bridge near what is now Summer Ave. Suspicion fell on Ell Persons, an African American woodcutter who lived nearby. Persons was arrested twice, interrogated twice and released twice before being captured a third time and reportedly beaten into a confession.

Upon his capture by a mob local papers announced that he would be burned the next morning. The crowd gathered to watch was estimated at 3,000. Vendors set up stands among the crowd and sold sandwiches and snacks. It was reportedly a carnival-like atmosphere.

Persons was hauled to a cleared space beside the abutment on the west side of the river. Containers of gasoline were poured over his body. Some complained that too much gasoline was used and he burned too fast.

Once his charred body had cooled, he was decapitated, and the severed head was photographed and printed on postcards.

No one was ever arrested for the crime.

'Murica... https://lynchingsitesmem.org/lynching/ell-persons via https://lynchingsitesmem.org/archives/hickory-daily-record-5221917
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 10:15    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The letters of Fr. Willie Doyle S.J.: 22 May 1917 - Letter to his Father

I know F. John Brennan S.J. Rathfarnham Castle Would be glad to read some of my old letters if you could send him a bundle sometime.

B.E.Force

France

22/5/17

My Dearest Father,

I have long suspected and am now quite convinced of the fact that you are in league with the “Clock Man “! How you manage it I do not know, but somehow you got him to slip over a few days in the week at least so it seems to me for hardly have I dispatched one letter to you then it is time to begin another. I do not mean this as a grumble, for it is a real pleasure to write to you dear old father, but the trouble is to find something fresh to say. When I have told you, the weather is roasting hot and that I am brown and bronzed and bonney I have exhausted my slender stock of news nearly so.

We have been back in the trenches, for some little time, which I always enjoy, though it may seem strange to you. Things have been somewhat more lively, finally yesterday when the Boche gave us an unmerciful hammering return for a fierce bombardment from our guns I think he is sorry he did so for he got back more than he bargained for as we seemed to have ten guns to his one.
Brother Fritz for once did one a good turn. I had arranged to hear the men’s confessions shortly before he opened fire and a couple of well delivered shells helped my work immensely by putting the fear of God into the hearts of a few cautious boys who might not have troubled about coming near our service.

I wonder were the Sacraments are administered under strange circumstances. Picture my little dug out now (too big at any time) packed with men who have dashed in for shelter from the splinters and shrapnel coming down like hail. In one corner is kneeling a poor fellow recently joined, who has not “knelt to the priest” as the men quaintly say for many a day, trying to work his compassion. I make short work of that for a shower of clay and stones falling at the door is a gentle hint that the “crumps” are getting uncomfortably near and I want to give him absolution in case an unwelcome should walk in. Then while outside the ground rocks and seems to split with the work of the shells – big chaps some of them- I give them all communion, say a short prayer and perform the wonderful feat of packing a few more men into the sardine tin of a house.

As soon as I got the chance I slipped round to see how many casualties there were, for I thought not a mouse could survive that bombardment.

Thank God no one was killed or even badly hit and the firing having ceased we could breath again. I was walking up the trench from the dressing station when I suddenly heard the scream of another shell. To vary the old proverb “ he who hides and runs away will live to hide another day”. I could not hide so I ran, like sixteen hares, up one trench, down another and round every corner I met followed so I could have sworn , by that hearty shell ,up + down the trench and round the corner. Failing to catch me he burst in rage and later on I danced a gig on his ( or her ) ignoble grave and then made my way home. It was then I realised my good fortune. There are two ways to my dugout and naturally I chose the shorter. This time and without any special reason I went by the longer way and it was well I did for the shell pitched in the other trench and probably would have caught me nicely as I went by, but instead of that it wreaked its vengeance on my unfortunate orderly who was Close by in his dugout, sending him spinning on his head but otherwise not injuring him. He is a “ Paddy from Cork” and has got a hard head. I found another string of men waiting my return for confession and holy communion in fact quite a long evening thanks once more Fritz’s “H E” or high explosive which has a wonderful persuasive effect of its own. I am wondering when I give my next retreat how many pounds of “ H E” will it take to move 14 stone of “ H N” ( what this stands for I shall leave you to guess, but it has something to do with the inmates of a convent.)

I hear Michael, my orderly hard at work frying onions for my dinner-what a time we are going to have !- so I must put up the shutters and say au revoir. Now that he has had a good blowing up I am hoping for great things and that he wont wash my socks again in the water with which he makes the tea. After all as the farmer said “ pigs is pigs and war is war,” and fresh water is scarce, so harrah! For the laundry tea.

God bless you all. Please stick me into the back of a Hail Mary.

Ever your loving

Willie

http://dhprojects.maynoothuniversity.ie/williedoyle1917/22-may-1917/
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 10:17    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The German Attack on Vimy Ridge, 21 May 1916

(...) Artillery-observation aircraft of 18 Squadron RFC went aloft soon after 4:00 a.m. on 22 May but found little activity on the German side. The 18 Squadron patrol was increased and 25 Squadron and 10 Squadron joined in; 10 Squadron aircraft later reporting that German artillery-fire was increasing, at which another aircraft carrying wireless was sent, which was the maximum number of aircraft that could be employed along the German attack front. All of the artillery-observation crews found active German guns and fighter aircraft, patrolling all day, drove off German aircraft attempting to reach the area; a tactical reconnaissance was flown during the late afternoon. The air was too hazy for balloon observation but the balloon went up at noon but there was still too much haze. The day was relatively quiet and British officers went forward to establish where the front line was, amidst the shell-holes and mine craters.

At a conference, Wilson decided that the 47th Division should control a counter-attack at 1:30 a.m. on 23 May, after the moon was up, by the 99th Brigade, 2nd Division, the 142nd Brigade, 47th Division and the 7th Brigade of the 25th Division. Haig intervened later that day to insist that no hasty attack be made and the counter-attack was postponed until dusk on 24 May. On the night of 22/23 May more artillery batteries were brought into action to fire on the new German positions and links to the rear. The 140th Brigade was withdrawn and replaced by the 99th Brigade and battalions of the 141st Brigade were relieved by part of the 142nd Brigade. The Germans kept up an intense bombardment of Zouave Valley, which made the reliefs more difficult and was apparently prompted by a British deserter, who told the Germans that a counter-attack would begin late on 22 May. (...)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_German_Attack_on_Vimy_Ridge,_21_May_1916#22%E2%80%9324_May
Ook hier: http://www.remembrancetrails-northernfrance.com/history/battles/the-german-offensive-on-vimy-ridge-21-may-1916.html

8th London Regiment (Post Office Rifles) - 'Hell's Valley': Vimy Ridge 21 - 22 May 1916

Remembering the officers and men who died during or following the German attack at Vimy Ridge, Pas de Calais, France 21st May 1916 and British counter-attack on the following day.

Ga naar https://livesofthefirstworldwar.org/community/3509

17th London Regiment at Vimy Ridge 21 - 22 May 1916

Remembering the men of the 17th London Regiment (Poplar and Stepney Rifles) who died at Vimy Ridge 21 - 22 May 1916 and those who were wounded and died a few days later.

https://livesofthefirstworldwar.org/community/3708
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 22 Mei 2018 10:24, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 10:22    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

22 MAY, 1916: THE BLIND BULLY

It’s not my business here to provide a narrative of the First World War. I’m more interested in shining a small light into the many nooks and crannies largely ignored by one-track posterity, and in joining up some of the forgotten threads that link that world with ours. That’s why, with the great powers of 1916 in the midst of vast military enterprises all over Europe, I’m heading for a small but geopolitically formed campaign in the Sudan, or to be more precise in the remote (and these days infamous) western province of Darfur.

A century ago today, an Anglo-Egyptian force met and defeated the fighters of Ali Dinar, Sultan of Darfur, at Beringia, near the regional capital of El Fahser. Before I get into details of the battle itself – which was an old-school colonial affair defined by a huge technological gap between the two sides – it’s worth taking a look at why, at a time when manpower shortages for ambitious offensives elsewhere were a major issue, the British saw fit to send some 2,000 well-equipped and supported troops to the back of beyond.

One basic reason is that, from start to finish, Great Britain viewed the First World War in a global, imperial context. The Empire’s first act on the outbreak of war had been to send naval units to protect imperial oil supplies coming out of Mesopotamia, and by 1916 it had time and again proved willing to commit resources to securing or expanding its overseas possessions.

This was partly a product of attitude, in that a century of largely unchallenged global supremacy had left British ruling elites accustomed to imperial success and inclined to assume that it would remain the index of geopolitical power in the post-War world – but it was also a matter of circumstance. Britain had more resources available than any other European empire; its prosperity was more dependent on overseas trade; and it wasn’t required to focus every effort on defeating a homeland invasion, or threat of invasion. In contrast, wartime France and Belgium regarded empire primarily as a source of manpower against the invader on the Western Front, Germany had never seen overseas possessions as more than bargaining chips in a European power struggle, the Netherlands and Portugal were strictly minor military powers, and Italy’s imperial pretensions were little more than optimistic fantasies. Russia, Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire were meanwhile concerned only with the preservation or expansion of their centralised land empires.

The second, more specific reason is lodged in the history of the region, giving me an excuse to provide some distant background to its modern troubles, and to give one granite-minded icon of militarism through the ages his first mention of the War to date.

If you’ve ever stayed awake through much of the movie, you may know that Charlton Heston (aka General Charles Gordon) met his death at the hands of Sudanese rebels, led by an Islamic sect, in January 1885, shortly before a belated British relief attempt reached his besieged headquarters at Khartoum. Gordon’s ill-fated expedition from Egypt had marked a reversal of the British government’s previous decision to abandon the Sudan as worthless. The change had been forced by popular and press outrage at the perceived loss of prestige involved, and Gordon’s death sealed the renewed commitment.

The commander of the relief force, future war minister General Kitchener, began a process of destroying rebel enclaves in the Sudan that was complete by the end of the century, leaving the British in theoretical control of a vast, wild and endemically lawless nation. It was also a largely Moslem nation, making its people particularly amenable to Turkish agitation once Britain was at war with the Ottoman Empire.

Policing the Sudan was the primary wartime responsibility of the Egyptian Army – a force that was (like Egypt) nominally independent but was trained and led by British officers, and equipped with obsolete British weapons. The task kept some 14,000 Egyptian, Sudanese and Arab troops occupied throughout the War, along with a battalion of British Army infantry (and attached artillery) based at Khartoum. Helped by a relative boom in the Sudanese economy – moribund and chaotic in 1914, but boosted by the supply needs of British forces in Egypt and East Africa – they generally restricted insurgent activity to isolated incidents. Before 1916, the noisiest of these had been the arrest of Ottoman emissary Elmaz Bey for inciting uprising among Egyptian troops at Port Sudan in 1915, but the prospect of a concerted Islamic rebellion in the Darfur region posed a more serious threat.

Dafur – the land of the Fur people – covered some 400,000 square kilometres of western Sudan, bordered by French Chad to the west and Libya to the north.

The leader of the region’s Tama tribe, Ali Dinar, had accepted British rule at the turn of the century and been appointed British agent for Darfur, but had since run his unloved province as an increasingly autonomous fiefdom, treating the British authorities in much the same way other Ottoman outposts in North Africa treated the regime in Constantinople.

The arrangement suited both sides until war between the empires brought British declaration of a protectorate over Egypt and the Sudan in 1914 (18 December, 1914: Sand Grab), ending their nominal status as Ottoman provinces. This, along with grievances about French incursions from Chad and British quarantine regulations applied to livestock, prompted Ali Dinar to seek Turkish support against the infidel.

In touch with Turkish officers aiding the Senussi uprising in Libya (13 December, 1915: Thin End, Big Wedge), Ali Dinar apparently accepted their assurances that Darfur would become an autonomous Islamic state after an Ottoman victory, and definitely accepted a shipment of 250 rifles from the Senussi. Aware of the latter, the British Governor-General of the Sudan, Sir Reginald Wingate, opted to nip rebellion in the bud by sending a punitive expedition from Khartoum to Darfur .

The Western Frontier Force (WFF) assembled by Wingate was powerful enough for the job. Some 2,000 infantry supported by six light artillery pieces, a dozen machine guns, eleven motorised trucks and an RFC contingent of four BE2 biplanes, marched against perhaps 3,000 poorly armed and trained Fur regulars, backed by about 2,000 tribal spear-carriers and 800 cavalry. Defeating Ali Dinar was not expected to be problem… but getting to him was another matter.

The Sudan’s western railhead at El Obeid was almost 700km from Khartoum, and reaching the regional capital of El Fasher meant travelling another 650km across dry, inhospitable country, with survival dependent on the efficient seizure of precious water holes. The WFF marched northwest from El Obeid on 16 March 1916, moving from water hole to water hole, using aircraft to scare away Fur fighters posted for their defence. The advance eventually reached the approaches to the capital on 21 May, and the following morning, shadowed by Ali Dinar’s mounted forces, it came up against defenders entrenched beyond the village of Beringia, some 20km short of El Fasher.

What followed was, aircraft aside, straight out of the nineteenth-century imperial playbook. The WFF’s infantry moved forward in a square, in the style of the Napoleonic Wars, and when an unauthorised advance by a British Camel Corps company (that’s cavalry on camels, obviously) occupied a ridge overlooking the village, Ali Dinar’s 4,000 fighters abandoned their trenches and launched an attack. Though unquestionably brave, this was not a smart move, and during a 40-minute exercise in slaughter the Fur were cut down without getting close to the British square, leaving 261 dead and 95 seriously wounded on the battlefield and removing many more casualties when they fled.

That afternoon the British moved up and entrenched outside El Fasher, where they were attacked at three in the morning by about 700 Fur cavalry and 300 infantry, but starshell (flares) illuminated the battlefield for machine-gunners and the attackers were driven off in less than fifteen minutes.

Ali Dinar had abandoned the capital and withdrawn to the southwest by the time the British entered El Fasher next morning, and on 29 May he sent word to WFF commander Lt.-Col. Kelly that he intended to surrender and renounce his sultanate. At that point operations by both sides were brought to a halt by the rainy season, and by the time it was over, in October, Ali Dinar had shown no sign of actually surrendering, forcing Kelly to send a detachment in pursuit.

A small British force eventually attacked and defeated the last coherent Fur force in early November, and on 6 November Ali Dinar was tracked to his hideaway and killed, effectively ending the campaign. The result was formalised on 1 January 1917, when the autonomous province of Darfur was absorbed into the Sudan and placed under direct British administration.

The British weren’t primarily responsible for Ali Dinar’s rebellion. It was a product of the self-interested ambition typical among regional warlords within the crumbling Ottoman Empire, fuelled by the genuine (and religiously inspired) support of his followers and ignited by false Turkish promises of post-War independence. Nor could the British know that, a century after they crushed the Fur people’s clumsy bid for self-governance, the independent status of Darfur would still be a running sore poisonous with slaughter and deprivation.

On the other hand, particularly given the tendency of British heritage industries to portray the Empire as an adventure seen through British eyes, the casual manner in which Britain ran roughshod over the Sudan in general, and Darfur in particular, is a breathtaking reminder of the self-centred thinking behind the ‘civilising mission’ of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century European empires.

Britain didn’t want to control the Sudan and had no use for it. It was only there because a nationalist press and public behaved like fans of flat-track bullies, forcing Gordon’s expedition and everything that followed, including 1916’s pointless suppression of nascent national awareness in Darfur. Needless to say, the campaign aroused no controversy at the time, but these days its long-term effects are painfully obvious, and peddlers of heritage are letting down history by ignoring it.

http://poppycockww1.com/africa/22-may-1916-the-blind-bully/
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 10:25    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Letter from Captain Alexander Wallace to his fiancee Ethel, 22 May 1916.

Wallace was serving with the British South Africa Police during World War One (1914-1918) when he wrote this letter. His unit was about to depart Abercorn (Mbala) in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) to invest Namema across the frontier in German East Africa (Tanzania). The letter describes his concerns at the start of the operation.

https://collection.nam.ac.uk/detail.php?acc=1991-03-43-36
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 22 Mei 2018 10:51    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

From ‘A National Government’, Spectator, 22 May 1915:

When we wrote last week there seemed little possibility that our hopes for the formation of a National Government would be fulfilled. Yet on Tuesday a National Government was in process of construction… We have followed the Roman example. We have named a Dictator — but we have put the Dictatorship in commission. Till the war is over there must be, and will be, no thought of who is a Liberal and who a Unionist, or of what the elements in the Cabinet desire. The Administration will have but one thought and one aim — the saving of the nation and the destruction of our enemies.

https://www.spectator.co.uk/2015/05/from-the-archive-national-government-22-may-1915-2/
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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