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29 september

 
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Emiel



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BerichtGeplaatst: 29 Sep 2006 6:47    Onderwerp: 29 september Reageer met quote

Beginn der Beschießung von Antwerpen
Großes Hauptquartier, 29. September, abends.
Auf dem rechten Heeresflügel in Frankreich fanden heute bisher noch unentschiedene Kämpfe statt. In der Front, zwischen Oise und Maas, herrschte im allgemeinen Ruhe. Die im Angriff gegen die Maasforts stehende Armee schlug erneute französische Vorstöße aus Verdun und Toul zurück.
Gestern hat die Belagerungsartillerie gegen einen Teil der Forts von Antwerpen das Feuer eröffnet. Ein Vorstoß belgischer Kräfte gegen die Einschließungslinie ist zurückgewiesen.
Im Osten scheiterten russische Vorstöße, die über den Njemen gegen das Gouvernement Suwalki erfolgten. Gegen die Festung Ossowiece trat gestern schwere Artillerie in Kampf.

Generalquartiermeister v. Stein. 1

Neue erbitterte Angriffe an der Westfront abgeschlagen
Großes Hauptquartier, 29. September.
Westlicher Kriegsschauplatz:
Die feindlichen Durchbruchsversuche wurden auf den bisherigen Angriffsabschnitten mit Erbitterung fortgesetzt.
Ein Gegenangriff nach einem abermals gescheiterten englischen Gasangriffe führte zum Wiedergewinn eines Teiles des nördlich Loos von uns aufgegebenen Geländes. Heftige englische Angriffe aus der Gegend Loos brachen unter starken Verlusten zusammen. Wiederholte erbitterte französische Angriffe in Gegend Souchez-Neuville wurden, teilweise durch heftige Gegenangriffe, zurückgewiesen.
Auch in der Champagne blieben alle feindlichen Durchbruchsversuche erfolglos. Ihr einziges Ergebnis war, daß der Feind nordwestlich Souain in einer Strecke von 100 Metern noch nicht wieder aus unserem Graben vertrieben werden konnte. An dem unbeugsamen Widerstand badischer Bataillone sowie des rheinischen Reserveregiments Nr. 65 und des westfälischen Infanterie-Regiments Nr. 158 brachen sich die unausgesetzt vordringenden französischen Angriffswellen.
Die schweren Verluste, die sich der Feind beim oft wiederholten Sturm gegen die Höhen bei Massiges zuzog, waren vergeblich. Die Höhen sind restlos von unseren Truppen gehalten.
Die Versuche der Franzosen, die bei Fille Morte verlorenen Gräben zurückzuerobern, scheiterten. Die Gefangenenzahl erhöhte sich. In Flandern wurden zwei englische Flugzeuge heruntergeschossen, die Insassen gefangengenommen.
Östlicher Kriegsschauplatz:
Heeresgruppe des Generalfeldmarschalls v. Hindenburg:
Der Angriff südwestlich von Dünaburg ist bis in Höhe des Swentensees vorgedrungen. Südlich des Dryswjatysees und bei Poskawy dauern die Kavalleriegefechte an. - Unsere Kavallerie hat, nachdem sie die Operationen des Generalobersten von Eichhorn durch Vorgehen gegen die Flanke des Feindes wirksam unterstützt hatte, die Gegend bei und östlich von Wilejka verlassen; der Gegner blieb untätig. Westlich von Wilejka wurden unvorsichtig vorgehende feindliche Kolonnen durch Artilleriefeuer zersprengt. - Zwischen Smorgon und Wischnew sind unsere Truppen im siegreichen Vorschreiten.
Bei den Heeresgruppen des Generalfeldmarschalls Prinz Leopold von Bayern und des Generalfeldmarschalls v. Mackensen hat sich nichts Wesentliches ereignet.
Heeresgruppe des Generals v. Linsingen:
Die Russen sind hinter den Kornim und die Putilowka geworfen.

Oberste Heeresleitung. 1)


Neues Torpedobootsgefecht an der flandrischen Küste
Berlin, 29. September. (Amtlich).
Am 28. September früh stießen einige unserer Torpedoboote nach einer Patrouillenfahrt vor der flandrischen Küste auf eine überlegene Zahl feindlicher Zerstörer, die unter Feuer genommen wurden. Im Verlaufe des Gefechts wurde auf einem der Zerstörer eine starke Detonation beobachtet. Unsere Boote erlitten keine Beschädigungen oder Verluste.

Der Chef des Admiralstabes der Marine.




http://www.stahlgewitter.com/
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Emiel



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BerichtGeplaatst: 29 Sep 2006 6:48    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1918 : Allied forces break through the Hindenburg Line

On this day in 1918, after a 56-hour-long bombardment, Allied forces breach the so-called Hindenburg Line, the last line of German defenses on the Western Front during World War I.


Built in late 1916, the Hindenburg Line—named by the British for the German commander in chief, Paul von Hindenburg; it was known to the Germans as the Siegfried Line—was a heavily fortified zone running several miles behind the active front between the north coast of France and Verdun, near the border of France and Belgium. By September 1918, the formidable system consisted of six defensive lines, forming a zone some 6,000 yards deep, ribbed with lengths of barbed wire and dotted with concrete emplacements, or firing positions. Though the entire line was heavily fortified, its southern part was most vulnerable to attack, as it included the St. Quentin Canal and was not out of sight from artillery observation by the enemy. Also, the whole system was laid out linearly, as opposed to newer constructions that had adapted to more recent developments in firepower and were built with scattered "strong points" laid out like a checkerboard to enhance the intensity of artillery fire.


The Allies would use these vulnerabilities to their advantage, concentrating all the force built up during their so-called "Hundred Days Offensive"—kicked off on August 8, 1918, with a decisive victory at Amiens, France—against the Hindenburg Line in late September. Australian, British, French and American forces participated in the attack on the line, which began with the marathon bombardment, using 1,637 guns along a 10,000-yard-long front. In the last 24 hours the British artillery fired a record 945,052 shells. After capturing the St. Quentin Canal with a creeping barrage of fire—126 shells for each 500 yards of German trench over an eight-hour period—the Allies were able to successfully breach the Hindenburg Line on September 29.


The offensive was driven ahead by Australian and U.S. troops, who attacked the heavily fortified town of Bellicourt with tank, aircraft and artillery support. After four days of battle, with heavy losses on both sides, the Germans were forced to retreat. With Kaiser Wilhelm II pressured by the military into accepting governmental reform and Germany’s ally, Bulgaria, suing for an armistice by the end of September, the Central Powers were in disarray on the battlefield as well as the home front. The Allies, meanwhile, pressed their advantage on the Western Front throughout the following month, which would, against their predictions, turn out to be the final month of World War 1.


www.history.com
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 19:32    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Kroniek van Baarle in de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1914)

29 september 1914 - Het treinverkeer naar Turnhout was onderbroken. Er konden geen lege zakken worden verzonden naar “Moulins Merxem” en burgemeester Van Gilse vroeg aan de gouverneur om de bestelde bloem en zemelen voor alle zekerheid nog niet te verzenden. (Gemeentearchief Baarle-Hertog; 2.073.564 Register van Briefwisseling)

http://www.amaliavansolms.org/joomla15/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=187:05-kroniek-van-baarle-in-de-eerste-wereldoorlog-1914&catid=90:oorlog&Itemid=118
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 19:36    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Meierijsche Courant, Dinsdag 29 September 1914.

Valkenswaard. 29 September. Gisteren en vandaag kwamen hier verscheidene vluchtelingen aan uit de Belgische Kempen. De meesten komen uit Bourg-Leopold, Tessenderloo, Heppen en Balen. Allen zijn somber gestemd en geven de vreeselijkste verhalen ten gehoore. Vandaag of morgen zullen er waarschijnlijk nog veel meer komen, want de dorpen aan de grens, zooals Luyksgestel en Bergeijk zijn van Belgen overstroomd. Met groote scharen trekken zij de grens over, waaronder verscheidene priesters zijn, waarvan sommigen gekleed zijn in burgerkleederen. Tegen den avond vooral trokken honderden uit Lommel en Moll het gastvrije Holland binnen, want ook in die plaatsen hadden de burgers aanzegging gekregen, dat de Duitschers in aantocht waren.

http://www.shgv.nl/KrantenArtikelen/1914.htm
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 19:38    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Worcestershire Regiment men

During the First World War there were 8 soldiers of the Worcestershire Regiment that were shot by firing squad. On the 26th July 1915 five men of the 3rd Battalion Worcestershire Regiment were executed on the ramparts of Ypres in what became the largest single execution by the British during the war. They were originally buried in the Ramparts Cemetery, they were later transferred to other cemeteries in the area.

Private Ernest Fellows (9722) 3rd Battalion Worcestershire Regiment

Private Fellows of Birmingham was a married man with children. At the start of the First World War Ernest Fellows as an ex Worcestershire Regiment soldier was on the Reserve List and as such was called up for service in September 1914. He re-joined his Regiment on the 29th September 1914.

Fellows was sent to France as part of reinforcements for the 3rd Battalion Worcestershire Regiment early in 1915. Private Fellows was a well respected soldier in the Battalion and he had past experience.

Early in June 1915 the 3rd Battalion was holding a line of trenches from the Menin Road on the left to Sanctuary Wood on the right. After 4 days of fighting, on the 9th June 1915 the 3rd Battalion was relieved by the 2nd Royal Irish Rifles. The 3rd Battalion then moved out of the line to Busseboom just east of Poperinghe where they were billeted in bivouac and rested until the 15th June 1915. It was during this rest period that Private Fellows went missing without permission. Following an evening roll call it was discovered that he had gone absent. The Battalion had just received orders that it was to attack enemy trenches at Bellewaerde the following day.

Fellows was apprehended and was tried at a court martial on the 14th July 1915. At his trial he offered no evidence in his defence and was found guilty of desertion and sentenced to death. Fellows was shot by firing squad with 4 other deserters from the 3rd Battalion on the ramparts of Ypres on the 26th July 1915. He was 29 years of age.

He was originally buried at the Ramparts Cemetery but was later transferred to the Perth Cemetery (China Wall), Belgium which is 3 Km east of Ypres town centre (Grave number V.K.13).

http://www.worcestershireregiment.com/wr.php?main=inc/shot_at_dawn
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 19:40    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

German Post Office Jaluit

The post office was opened on 29 March 1889 and operated until the occupation of Jaluit by the Japanese forces on 29 September 1914.

http://marshall.csu.edu.au/Marshalls/html/Stamps/Stamps_Cancels.html
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 19:50    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Machen, Arthur (3 March 1863 - 15 December 1947)

A Welsh writer who spent much of his adult life in London, Machen devoted many of his supernaturalist works to an exploration of a mythic vein of the post-Gothic. His works have frequent recourse to the idea that some vestige of a primitive, malefic, pre-Christian "Little People" has survived into the present, and Machen explores the metaphysical implications of this possibility with gusto.

"The Bowmen" [29 September 1914]

Machen's famous tale about the ghostly intervention of the archers of Agincourt on a WWI battlefield; the tale (which includes a wonderfully weird vegetarian angle) took on a life of its own, with many people claiming to have actually seen the ghostly soldiers. Machen's repeated claims that the work was pure fiction did little to deter the popular sentiment that benevolent supernatural forces did indeed intervene on behalf of English soldiers.

THE BOWMEN by Arthur Machen

IT WAS DURING the Retreat of the Eighty Thousand, and the authority of the Censorship is sufficient excuse for not being more explicit. But it was on the most awful day of that awful time, on the day when ruin and disaster came so near that their shadow fell over London far away; and, without any certain news, the hearts of men failed within them and grew faint; as if the agony of the army in the battlefield had entered into their souls.

On this dreadful day, then, when three hundred thousand men in arms with all their artillery swelled like a flood against the little English company, there was one point above all other points in our battle line that was for a time in awful danger, not merely of defeat, but of utter annihilation. With the permission of the Censorship and of the military expert, this corner may, perhaps, be described as a salient, and if this angle were crushed and broken, then the English force as a whole would be shattered, the Allied left would be turned, and Sedan would inevitably follow.

All the morning the German guns had thundered and shrieked against this corner, and against the thousand or so of men who held it. The men joked at the shells, and found funny names for them, and had bets about them, and greeted them with scraps of music-hall songs. But the shells came on and burst, and tore good Englishmen limb from limb, and tore brother from brother, and as the heat of the day increased so did the fury of that terrific cannonade. There was no help, it seemed. The English artillery was good, but there was not nearly enough of it; it was being steadily battered into scrap iron.

There comes a moment in a storm at sea when people say to one another, "It is at its worst; it can blow no harder," and then there is a blast ten times more fierce than any before it. So it was in these British trenches.

There were no stouter hearts in the whole world than the hearts of these men; but even they were appalled as this seven-times-heated hell of the German cannonade fell upon them and overwhelmed them and destroyed them. And at this very moment they saw from their trenches that a tremendous host was moving against their lines. Five hundred of the thousand remained, and as far as they could see the German infantry was pressing on against them, column upon column, a grey world of men, ten thousand of them, as it appeared afterwards.

There was no hope at all. They shook hands, some of them. One man improvised a new version of the battlesong, "Good-bye, good-bye to Tipperary," ending with "And we shan't get there". And they all went on firing steadily. The officers pointed out that such an opportunity for high-class, fancy shooting might never occur again; the Germans dropped line after line; the Tipperary humorist asked, "What price Sidney Street?" And the few machine guns did their best. But everybody knew it was of no use. The dead grey bodies lay in companies and battalions, as others came on and on and on, and they swarmed and stirred and advanced from beyond and beyond.

"World without end. Amen," said one of the British soldiers with some irrelevance as he took aim and fired. And then he remembered-he says he cannot think why or wherefore - a queer vegetarian restaurant in London where he had once or twice eaten eccentric dishes of cutlets made of lentils and nuts that pretended to be steak. On all the plates in this restaurant there was printed a figure of St. George in blue, with the motto, Adsit Anglis Sanctus Geogius - May St. George be a present help to the English. This soldier happened to know Latin and other useless things, and now, as he fired at his man in the grey advancing mass - 300 yards away - he uttered the pious vegetarian motto. He went on firing to the end, and at last Bill on his right had to clout him cheerfully over the head to make him stop, pointing out as he did so that the King's ammunition cost money and was not lightly to be wasted in drilling funny patterns into dead Germans.

For as the Latin scholar uttered his invocation he felt something between a shudder and an electric shock pass through his body. The roar of the battle died down in his ears to a gentle murmur; instead of it, he says, he heard a great voice and a shout louder than a thunder-peal crying, "Array, array, array!"

His heart grew hot as a burning coal, it grew cold as ice within him, as it seemed to him that a tumult of voices answered to his summons. He heard, or seemed to hear, thousands shouting: "St. George! St. George!"

"Ha! messire; ha! sweet Saint, grant us good deliverance!"

"St. George for merry England!"

"Harow! Harow! Monseigneur St. George, succour us."

"Ha! St. George! Ha! St. George! a long bow and a strong bow."

"Heaven's Knight, aid us!"

And as the soldier heard these voices he saw before him, beyond the trench, a long line of shapes, with a shining about them. They were like men who drew the bow, and with another shout their cloud of arrows flew singing and tingling through the air towards the German hosts.

The other men in the trench were firing all the while.They had no hope; but they aimed just as if they had been shooting at Bisley. Suddenly one of them lifted up his voice in the plainest English, "Gawd help us!" he bellowed to the man next to him, "but we're blooming marvels! Look at those grey ... gentlemen, look at them! D'ye see them? They're not going down in dozens, nor in 'undreds; it's thousands, it is. Look! look! there's a regiment gone while I'm talking to ye."

"Shut it!" the other soldier bellowed, taking aim, "what are ye gassing about!"

But he gulped with astonishment even as he spoke, for, indeed, the grey men were falling by the thousands. The English could hear the guttural scream of the German officers, the crackle of their revolvers as they shot the reluctant; and still line after line crashed to the earth.

All the while the Latin-bred soldier heard the cry: "Harow! Harow! Monseigneur, dear saint, quick to our aid! St. George help us!"

"High Chevalier, defend us!"

The singing arrows fled so swift and thick that they darkened the air; the heathen horde melted from before them.

"More machine guns!" Bill yelled to Tom.

"Don't hear them," Tom yelled back. "But, thank God, anyway; they've got it in the neck."

In fact, there were ten thousand dead German soldiers left before that salient of the English army, and consequently there was no Sedan. In Germany, a country ruled by scientific principles, the Great General Staff decided that the contemptible English must have employed shells containing an unknown gas of a poisonous nature, as no wounds were discernible on the bodies of the dead German soldiers. But the man who knew what nuts tasted like when they called themselves steak knew also that St. George had brought his Agincourt Bowmen to help the English.


http://www.litgothic.com/Authors/machen.html
http://www.aftermathww1.com/bowmen.asp
Zie ook THE BOWMEN - An Introduction, by Arthur Machen: http://www.aftermathww1.com/bowmint1.asp of http://gaslight.mtroyal.ab.ca/bowintro.htm
Zie ook http://1914-1918.invisionzone.com/forums/index.php?showtopic=4602
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 19:57    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Man with Burned out Strezlecki Ranges Behind Him

This photograph shows John Joseph 'JJ' O'Connor, looking out onto the Strezlecki Ranges after a bushfire fire, Won Wron, Gippsland, circa 29 September 1914. The O'Connor family were a local Gippsland farming family, who also held a lease to graze cattle on St Margaret Island. They were raising sheep and cattle and rented St Margaret Island to graze their live-stock over summer. According to the family: 'Livestock were very cheap. When World War I broke out, the price of stock went up and they made a lot of money. Because J. J. knew the area so well, he was sent into the hills during World War I to look out for the German 'invasion' which was rumoured to be planned from the coast.'

http://museumvictoria.com.au/collections/items/1689537/digital-photograph-man-with-burned-out-strezlecki-ranges-behind-him-won-wron-1914
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:02    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Wireless Telephony Now From Washington to Honolulu

THE most wonderful feat in wireless telephony was accomplished on the night of Sept. 29 last, when the human voice was projected through the ether from Washington, D. C., to Honolulu, a distance of 4,900 miles!

Only a few hours earlier wireless telephonic communication had been established between New York City and San Francisco, a distance of 2,500 miles, which was heralded as an epochal innovation.

The Electrical Experimenter, November, 1915, page 321, http://earlyradiohistory.us/1915ATT1.htm
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:05    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Stijn Streuvels, In oorlogstijd. Het volledige dagboek van de Eerste Wereldoorlog

Woensdag, 29 september 1915
Bij elke bom die niet ontploft is staat een schildwacht met de bajonnet op 't geweer en in de namiddag worden ze ontgraven en men doet ze ontploffen.

Gister werd te Desselgem een jonge boever met zijn [paard] op het veld door een bom uit een vlieger gedood. Ik vraag mij af welk een eretitel of welk een gedenksteen men beschikt voor slachtoffers die alzo5 door onze eigen bondgenoten getroffen worden? (...)

http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/stre009inoo02_01/stre009inoo02_01_0015.php
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:06    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Kroniek van Baarle in de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1915)

29 september 1915 - In Baarle-Hertog werd een echt oorlogshuwelijk gesloten. Op het gemeentehuis gaf Fernand Eugéne Michel, luitenant van de genie, het ja-woord aan Jeanne Hortense Toussaint, een vluchtelinge uit Antwerpen. Het paar had al voor het uitbreken van de oorlog trouwplannen, maar de mobilisatie stak daar een stokje voor. Met toestemming van Minister van Oorlog de Broqueville, mocht Michel zijn standplaats in Folkstone verlaten om in de echt te treden. (onuitgegeven kroniek van Jan Huijbrechts)

http://www.amaliavansolms.org/joomla/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=188:06-kroniek-van-baarle-in-de-eerste-wereldoorlog-1915&catid=90:oorlog&Itemid=118
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:08    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

T. E. Lawrence to his family

Military Intelligence Office

Cairo, 29.9.15

I haven't anything to do:- or rather I have a lot which I am not
going to do:- so I'm going to write to you. It's very difficult to do that, for all one's work here is writing, and I have a nausea of it. There seems to be very little to write about. I go to the office every morning, run out to Giza to the Survey Department usually for an hour or so before midday, and go back to the office again after lunch till about 6p.m. I knock off then, because it is almost dark, and I want to ride home without lighting up. There is usually a little to do there before dinner, and after dinner telegrams in cypher come in from Medforce or Athens, or Russia or London or India at any hour of the night. Then at 6 a.m. the messenger from Alexandria turns up, with papers from the Residency:- and that is the next day's work, which is exactly like to-day's. The work consists in finding out where the Turkish army is:- that is, to know at any moment where each of the 136 regiments is: how many men are in each, who commands it, and what artillery is round about it. Then we have to tell anybody who wants to know what any place in Turkey is like: what the landing places are, what the roads are like, if the people are friendly or not, and how long it would take to get reinforcements there. Then we have to try and find out what is happening politically in the interior of the country, and how the harvests are and who are the local governors, and things like that. There are other things also. At present I'm making a directory (a sort of [one word illegible]) of the tribes of N. Arabia: and publish a little daily paper for the knowledge of Generals, India, Medforce, Aden and the Home Department, in which we tell them what we think they ought to know. Sometimes they don't agree with us. In addition I have maps to settle: not the actual drawing, of course, but the style of it, the colours to be used, and what is to be put in or left out. That is the most interesting part of the work, though I am very fond of my army. Following it about is like making a map of the movements of a fly before breakfast. All our work is to do with Turkey. We never touch any other part of the world: and Egypt never comes into our horizon at all [5 words omitted] which is as well... That's all, for I'm going down to headquarters to see Colonel Parker.

N.

http://www.telawrence.net/telawrencenet/letters/1915/150929_family.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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Valentine Williams, describing the Battle of Loos in the Daily Mail (29th September, 1915)

It is too soon to write in any detail about the operations, as fighting is still in progress. The attack at Loos completely surprised the Germans, according to the prisoners taken there, with many of whom I spoke this afternoon. They describe our bombardment as "unspeakable" and say the first thing they knew about the assault was the appearance of lines of British troops streaming away over their trenches to the right and, the next moment, the inrush of a horde of khaki-clad figures upon their trenches from three sides. They declare that their ammunition ran out and their rifles became useless, so they were obliged to surrender.

http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/FWWloos.htm
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"Armenians' Own Fault, Bernstorff Now Says" - The New York Times, September 29, 1915

http://www.turkishcoalition.org/archive/armeniansownfault.pdf
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The Sydney Morning Herald, Wednesday 29 September 1915

TO THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD.

Sir,—I am told that the phrase "soured temperance reformer" in my letter about alco- holism and the war has hurt the feelings of a number of devoted workers in the cause of temperance. Will you permit me a further word?

It has always seemed to me that there are two classes of temperance reformers, viz., (a) temperance reformers; and (b) soured temperance reformers. For the former I have, and always have had, unstinted admiration; they are the dauntless regiment that has had vision enough to see the perilous places on civilisation's battlefield, and self- lessness enough to eternally fight there even if winning only an inch at a time. Even if one does not actively join such a regiment one may warmly admire its courage and persistence.

The latter, class (b), I regard as I do the ex- tremists in many a good cause; it is their tactics that lose the half-inch of every inch that the more far-sighted regiment wins. The thought behind my pen, however badly ex- pressed, was that in a time of extreme na- tional peril the sheerly thoughtless person, as typified by myself, and the over-thought-Fix this text ful person, as typified by the "soured tem- perance reformer," must put aside their dif- ferences of temperament and work in singe- mindedness for the common good and the common safety. I am, etc.,

ETHEL TURNER

http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/15616623?searchTerm=
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TEACHING IN FIJI

Colonial Secretary's Office
Suva. 29 September 1915.
Sir,
I am directed by the Acting Governor to enclose a copy of a letter addressed by
the Roko Tui Lau to the Honourable K.J. Allardyce, Native Commissioner, in
which serious reflections are made on your conduct.
2. I am to say that the Native Commissioner, who proceeds tomorrow to Lakeba,
has been directed to hold an enquiry into the statements made by the Roko and
that, if he is of the opinion that there are good grounds for them, to take over from
you the conduct of the Lau School and to direct you to proceed to Headquarters by
first opportunity.
3. The Native Commissioner will afford you an opportunity of making verbal or
written representations to him in regard to any statements that may be made to
him in the course of his enquiry.
I am,
Sir,
Your Obedient Servant,
Acting Colonial Secretary.

http://www.pacifichealthvoices.org/files/Chapter%202%20Utu%20Misi.pdf
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Battle of the Somme

Final phase
On 26 September Gough's Reserve Army launched its first major offensive since the opening day of the battle in an attempt to capture the German fortress of Thiepval. The 18th (Eastern) Division, which had excelled on 1 July, once more demonstrated by capturing most of Thiepval on the first day that careful training, preparation and leadership could overcome the obstacles of trench warfare. Mouquet Farm finally fell to the 11th (Northern) Division, and the Canadians advanced 1,000 yards (915 m) from Courcelette.

There followed a period from 1 October to 11 November, known as the Battle of the Ancre Heights, of grinding attritional fighting for little gain. At the end of October, Gough's army was renamed the British Fifth Army.

Meanwhile on the Fourth Army's front, Haig was still under the illusion that a breakthrough was imminent. On 29 September he had outlined plans for Allenby's Third Army to rejoin the battle in the north around Gommecourt and for the Fourth Army to attack towards Cambrai. The first step required the capture of the German Transloy Line, effectively the German fourth defensive position that ran from the village of Le Transloy in the east to Le Sars on the Albert-Bapaume road.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_the_Somme
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Rockefeller de rijkste man ter wereld

29 september 1916 - John D. Rockefeller is de eerste biljonair geworden. Een biljoen (oftewel miljard) is een cijfer met twaalf nullen. Hiermee is hij verreweg de rijkste man ter wereld.
Rockefeller verkreeg zijn grote vermogen in de olieindustrie. Hij ontdekte dat olie gevoelig was voor de zogenaamde economies of scale, hoe meer olie verwerkt kon worden, hoe goedkoper de olie aangeboden zou kunnen worden. Rockefeller concurreerde er op los en nam zijn andere concurrenten over.

Zelfs nu is relatief gezien Rockefeller rijker dan Bill Gates. Absoluut gezien niet, maar als men de inflatie zou meerekenen, blijkt Rockefeller nog steeds de rijkste man ooit. Bill Gates komt in die lijst pas op de vijfde plaats.

http://www.nieuwsdossier.nl/dossier/1916-09-29/Rockefeller+de+rijkste+man+ter+wereld
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Pozières

(...) Most of the men of the 11th Battalion who died under the German bombardment of Pozières on 25 July 1916 – 48 soldiers – were never found. Their names are commemorated on the walls of the Australian National Memorial at Villers–Bretonneux but their remains lie somewhere in the soil to the north–east of modern day Pozières. One of them is Private Ernest Pirani, age 19, of Kalgoorlie, Western Australia. His disappearance caused his mother much grief which she expressed in a letter written from Kalgoorlie on 29 September 1916 to the Australian Red Cross Wounded and Missing Enquiry Bureau in London:

We have heard nothing of his whereabouts since that date. If there is anything at all or any enquiries that can possibly be made to throw a light on this awful mystery we will be thankful to bear any expense it may cause you, we will willingly forward it to you, we are only poor people, he is our good son, and I am his mother and everyone knows how anxious we feel in these serious times. So, trusting I am asking only a mother’s right.Private Ernest Pirani, Australian Red Cross Wounded and Missing Enquiry Bureau file, http://www.awm.gov.au/cms_images/1DRL428/00028/1DRL428-00028-2160609.pdf

http://www.ww1westernfront.gov.au/pozieres-australian-memorial/bombardment-24-26-july-1916.html
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Ishbel Ross, diary entry (29th September, 1916)

Big guns and troops went by all day, and General Serrail drove by in his car. Colonel Vassovitch came into the camp with an English woman dressed in the uniform of the Serbian Army. Her name is Flora Sandes. She is quite tall with brown eyes and a strong, yet pretty face. She is a sergeant in the 4th Company and talked to us for a long time about her experiences, and the fierce fighting she and the men of her company had to face. We felt so proud of her and her bravery.

http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/Wross.htm
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Meierijsche Courant, Zaterdag 29 September 1917.

Borkel en Schaft. De doodelijke draad. Wederom heeft de draadversperring alhier nabij de Barriére een drietal slachtoffers geëischt, zijnde een man, vrouw en kind. ’t Is zeer treurig als men bedenkt, dat deze personen met betere vooruitzichten naar Holland wilde reizen om alzoo op den drempel van een beter tehuis het leven te moeten laten.

http://www.shgv.nl/KrantenArtikelen/1917.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:34    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Published in the Reporter 29th September 1917.

LIFE FOR COMRADE.
Whilst endeavouring to remove a wounded comrade to a place of safety, Pte. 350290 TOM GASKELL, of the Ashton Territorials, was mortally wounded. Major T.E. HOWORTH, writing to Pte. GASKELL'S mother, who lives at 5, Ellison Street, Ashton, on September 14th said ,"I am very sorry indeed to write sad news to you with regard to TOM. We were coming out of the front line trenches last night, or rather early this morning, when the enemy began shelling. Someone was hit, and TOM, along with another stretcher bearer, went to his assistance. Another shell exploded and caught TOM. JIM DAWSON, of Park Road, Dukinfield, was near at the time, and he and others got TOM into a motor ambulance very quickly. He was taken straight away to the field dressing station just as he was, and in an unconscious state. JIM DAWSON was with him to the end, and he tells me that he never spoke again". Major Howorth, in conclusion wrote - " You must feel there is something to be proud of, for TOM gave his life in trying to help someone else. His body is laid to rest in a British military cemetery here". Bandsman B. ASHWORTH has also written confirming the sad news expressing the deep sympathy of the members of Pte. GASKELL'S squad with Mrs. Gaskell. Pte. TOM GASKELL was one of the 1/9th. He went out to Egypt, and went through the whole of the Dardanelles campaign. He was home on ten days leave in May. He worked prior to mobilisation as a piecer, and was connected with the St. Peter's Welbeck St. schools. He was also a boy scout, being in the 1st Ashton Troop. A brother of Private GASKELL, JACK GASKELL, is also in the Ashton Territorials, in the signalling section.

AN ASHTON D.C.M. - TERRITORIAL WOUNDED AND MISSING. - HELD TRENCH 41 HOURS. 40 COMRADES KILLED and WOUNDED AROUND HIM.
Pte. TOM PICKFORD, 1/9th Manchester Regiment, who was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal for bravery at Gallipoli in August 1915, is reported wounded and missing since July 31st. His wife, who resides on Old Street, Ashton, has received official information from the military authorities to this effect.

AN ASHTON OFFICER
Lieutenant GILBERT GREENWOOD, eldest son of Councillor H.T. GREENWOOD, of Harwood, Mossley Rd. Ashton, has been wounded whilst serving in France with the Ashton Territorials. The fibula of his left leg fractured during a night attack. Lieutenant GREENWOOD is now at the Bathurst House Hospital, Belgrave-Square, London, and is making good progress.

Lieutenant GREENWOOD joined the Reserve Battalion of the Ashton Territorials on its formation soon after the outbreak of the war, and was given a commission. He was educated at Elmfield College, York, and until the war was in business with his father, being the manager of the Stockport branch. He was a good athlete, gaining distinction at school in all sports, and captained the cricket and football teams. Lieut. GREENWOOD has seen active service on three fronts, the Dardanelles, Egypt and France. He was invalided home from Gallipoli with enteric fever.

ASHTON TERRITORIAL - "Always Did His Duty Faithfully and Well."
Mrs. M. Rogan, 22, Charles Street, Ashton, has received official news that her husband Private 352013 MICHAEL ROGAN, of the 1/9th Battalion Manchester Regiment, was killed in action in Belgium on 5th September. Captain F.W. KERSHAW, "B" Company, 1/9th Manchester Regiment writes: - "Dear Mrs. Rogan, I much regret to have to inform you that your husband has been killed in action. Your husband was not actually with "B" Company when it happened. He was attached to the Royal Engineers. I believe he was killed instantaneously by a German shell. He had been with my Company a long time, and was well known to us. He always did his duty well, and was a good soldier. He is much missed by his comrades in the Company, and by myself and the other N.C.O's of "B" Company. I beg to extend to you our deepest sympathy in your bereavement. It will perhaps be of some little consolation to know that he was very brave doing his duty at the time." Private ROGAN joined the army on the 2nd of October 1915 and had seen service in Egypt, and for the last four months had been in France. He was connected with the St. Ann's Church and Sunday School. He was 40 years of age.

ASHTON TERRITORIAL KILLED - Had Previously Been Wounded in Gallipoli.
Mr. and Mrs, Peter Nolan, of 78, Burlington Street, Ashton, have been informed that one of their soldier sons, Private 350084 PETER NOLAN, of "B" Company, 1/9th Battalion, Manchester Regiment, has been killed in action in Belgium on September 14th.

Captain HALL, of the 1/9th Battalion Manchester Regiment (Territorial Force) has sent the following message: - "It is with deep regret that I write to inform you of the death of your son in action. He was hit by a shell and died instantaneously, suffering no pain. We are all very sorry to have lost him, as he was such a good soldier and comrade. Please accept my deepest sympathy in your sad bereavement." Private NOLAN was wounded in the leg and groin in June 1915 whilst serving with the 1/9th Battalion Manchester Regiment in Gallipoli. Private NOLAN was 24 years of age. Another brother, Sergeant JAMES NOLAN, is also serving with the 1/9th Battalion, and was with the Battalion throughout the Gallipoli campaign. He is at present in hospital undergoing treatment to a wound to the left arm.

http://ashtonpals.webs.com/1917page3.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:36    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle (29th September, 1917)

The Kornilov Affair has intensified mutual distrust and completed the work of destruction. The Government is shadowy and unreal, and what personality it had has disappeared before the menace of the Democratic Assembly. Whatever power there is again concentrated in the hands of the Soviets, and, as always happens when the Soviets secure a monopoly of power, the influence of the Bolsheviks has increased enormously. Kerensky has returned from Headquarters, but his prestige has declined, and he is not actively supported either by the right or by the left.

http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/RUSwilliamsH.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:38    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

HELLS BELLS and MADEMOISELLES - Joe Maxwell V.C., M.C. and bar, D.C.M.

Foreword by Lt. Col. G.F. Murphy, C.M.G., D.S.O. - August, 1932
Lieutenant Joe Maxwell has asked me to write a Forward to his war reminiscences. After reading them, I feel they need no introduction. But, with commendable modesty, Lieutenant Maxwell has said little of his own exploits. It gives me great pleasure, therefore, to seize this opportunity of introducing Joe Maxwell to his readers.

Joseph Maxwell joined the 18th Battalion in Sydney on 6 February, 1915, and embarked on the s.s. Ceramic on 25th June the same year. He held various non-commissioned ranks from lance-corporal to company sergeant-major until on 29 September, 1917 he was given a commission as 2nd Lieutenant. He returned to Australia after the Armistice.

Joe is a queer mixture. He had been brought up in a very hard school, and well able to take care of himself in a rough and tumble. As a non-commissioned officer he frequently took what to him the "easier way" of ensuring that his orders were obeyed. I cannot recall any instance where I, as Commanding Officer, had to adjudicate on any charge laid by Maxwell. The difference of opinion was invariably settled on the spot.

http://www.electronics-tutorials.com/book-reviews/hells-bells-mademoiselles.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:41    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Canadians Executed During WWI

While just over 300 British soldiers were executed for capital offences during WWI, 25 Canadians were also executed.

William Alexander - William Alexander was born in the UK during 1880, and served for 8 years in the British Army before emigrating to Canada. When the First World War started in August 1914, Alexander volunteered for service in the Canadian Army. Due to his previous military service, Alexander was made a Sergeant in the 10th (Alberta) Battalion. After arriving in France during 1915, Sergeant Alexander fought with the battalion at the 2nd Battle of Ypres (April 1915), Festubert (May 1915) and Mount Sorrel (1916).

Following his recovery from an inflamed knee, Alexander rejoined his battalion in time for its involvement in the attack on Hill 70, which started at 04:25 on 15 August 1917. This attack was intended to act as a diversion and draw some of the German forces from the ongoing battles at Passchendaele. Due to the severe casualties suffered by the 10th Battalion, CQMS Alexander was ordered forward to take over as Platoon Sergeant of D Company; in readiness for this platoon to take part in a further attack. However, Alexander was nowhere to be found and a Corporal had to lead the Company.

Two days later, on 17 August 1917, the 10th Battalion was pulled out of the front line. It had suffered some 400 casualties.

It was not until the 19 August 1917 that CQMS Alexander was located in the village used by the 10th Battalion as a billet prior to the attack on Hill 70. After admitting that he had gone sick, but not reported it to an officer, and the absence of any marks on his person, Alexander was arrested and charged with desertion.

Following his trial on 29 September 1917, Alexander (age 37) was executed by firing squad on 18 October 1917. His remains are located in Barlin Communal Cemetery Extension (Pas de Calais), Plot II, Row D, Grave 43.

http://www.stephen-stratford.co.uk/canadians.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:44    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Allied-Bulgarian Armistice Terms, 29 September 1918

As the Allies increased pressure upon German forces on the Western Front, so German troops were hastily transferred from assisting Bulgaria, leaving Bulgarian forces severely weakened and increasingly demoralised.

The moment was consequently considered ripe for a major Allied offensive against Bulgarian forces, newly aided by a Greek force donated by pro-Allied Prime Minister Eleutherios Venizelos. The Allied forces in the region were led by French General Franchet d'Esperey; he determined to launch the Vardar Offensive on 15 September 1918.

Allied success was immediate and impressive; within little over a week Bulgaria solicited for a ceasefire and on 29 September 1918 Bulgaria signed an armistice, thereby exiting from the war. In consequence of Bulgaria's military defeat King Ferdinand shortly afterwards abdicated.

Reproduced below is the text of the armistice terms agreed between Bulgaria and the Allies.

Armistice Terms Agreed by Bulgaria and Allies, 29 September 1918

Signed on the evening of September 29th by General d'Esperey and by a Bulgarian Commission appointed by the Bulgarian Government and consisting of General Lonkhoff, M. Liapcheff, Minister of Finance, and M. Radeff, a former Cabinet leader.

Bulgaria agrees to evacuate all the territory she now occupies in Greece and Serbia, to demobilize her army immediately, and surrender all means of transport to the Allies.

Bulgaria also will surrender her boats and control of navigation on the Danube and concede to the Allies free passage through Bulgaria for the development of military operations.

All Bulgarian arms and ammunition are to be stored under the control of the Allies, to whom is conceded the right to occupy all important strategic points.

The military occupation of Bulgaria will be entrusted to British, French, and Italian forces, and the evacuated portions of Greece and Serbia, respectively, to Greek and Serbian troops.

The armistice means a complete military surrender, and Bulgaria ceases to be a belligerent.

The armistice will remain in operation until a final general peace is concluded.

Source Records of the Great War, Vol. IV, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923, http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/armistice_bulgaria.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:46    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Hindenburg Line and Montbrehain

On 29 September 1918 the German supreme commanders also decided to seek an armistice. They were suffering military reversals and they were under pressure on the home front. The Allied naval blockade had caused severe food shortages for the civilian population and the members of the previously ignored Reichstag (German Parliament) were demanding greater democratic control of the country after twelve months of virtually military rule. (...)

Two days before the main attack the Americans were unsuccessful in a preliminary assault. Reports that American troops were still in front resulted in the cancellation of the creeping barrage for 29 September. Extra tanks were allotted to the Americans who tried to reach the starting line in order to commence the main attack on time. The two American divisions attacked at dawn on 29 September in thick mist increased by smoke but the soldiers could not find their way through the fog and were hampered also by the absence of many of their officers. Those in the attack soon became casualties and the troops, after penetrating parts of the front enemy line, were driven back or isolated and pinned down by German counter-attacks.

http://www.ww1westernfront.gov.au/battlefields/hindenburg-line-montbrehain-1918.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:50    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Le site de Riqueval - De plaats van doorbraak van de Hindenburg-linie in de laatste fase van de Eerste Wereldoorlog

(...) De geallieerde aanval op 29 september 1918

Eind september 1918 voerden de geallieerden langs het gehele westelijk front een serie gecoördineerde aanvallen uit. Vanaf Vlaanderen tot het Maasdal in oostelijk Frankrijk werden de Duitse linies bestookt door de Belgen, Britten, Fransen en Amerikanen. De Britten van de opperbevelhebber Douglas Haig vielen aan in het midden van het westelijk front met drie legers. Het Britse Eerste en Derde Leger lanceerden aanvallen op het Canal du Nord ten westen van Cambrai.

De aanval op het zuidelijker gelegen Canal de Saint-Quentin werd uitgevoerd door het Vierde Britse Leger onder leiding van de ervaren generaal Henry Rawlinson. Aan zijn leger waren twee Amerikaanse divisies toegevoegd, die uit ongeveer tweemaal zoveel manschappen bestonden als de Britse divisies. Het ontbrak ze echter wel aan frontervaring.

Vanaf 25 september 1918 werd geprobeerd met 1600 kanonnen de frontale verdedigingswerken bij het Canal de Saint-Quentin stelselmatig in puin te schieten. Het artilleriebombardement was enorm. In de laatste 24 uur werden bijna een miljoen granaten op de Duitse stellingen afgeschoten. Op 26 september 1918 werden zelfs voor het eerst door de Britten granaten met mosterdgas afgeschoten om de Duitse verdedigers het leven zo moeilijk mogelijk te maken. Vijftien maanden na de Duitsers hadden de geallieerden eindelijk ook de beschikking over dit oorlogsgas gekregen.

Bij het aanbreken van de dag op 29 september, om 5.50 uur, vielen vijf divisies aan op een ongeveer 25 km breed front tussen Bony en de Bellenglise (zie de detailkaart van de Hindenburg-linie).

Aan de linkerkant de Amerikaanse 27ste Divisie, in het centrum de Amerikaanse 30ste Divisie en op rechts de Britse 46ste Divisie. Het Australische korps van het Vierde Leger, onder leiding van generaal John Monash, zou na de doorbraak over de Amerikaanse divisies heen springen. Twee andere Britse divisies vormden de flanken van de aanval.

Verwacht werd dat de Amerikanen door hun grote numerieke sterkte de beste kans zouden hebben door te breken op het terrein boven de bijna zes km lange tunnel waar het kanaal doorheen liep. De Britten zouden tenslotte het kanaal met zijn steile hellingen moeten oversteken. Het liep echter anders.

De aanval begon met een ongekende artilleriebarrage. Een ooggetuigenverslag van een kapitein uit de 46ste Divisie spreekt van:

Artillery of all kinds was literally massed behind Ascension Ridge, and everywhere activity was shown. Guns seemed to have taken up positions where they could, irrespective of the calibre of their neighbours ... At 6 am hell was let loose - a hell such as I have never experienced before. It seemed as though all the artillery in the BEF was firing at once and the noise was really deafening.2)

De commandant van de Amerikaanse 27ste Divisie dacht dat zijn divisie de versterkte Duitse posten op 27 september 1918 had uitgeschakeld, met als gevolg dat het dekkingsvuur van de artillerie tijdens de aanval op 29 september verder weg van de aanvallende infanterie werd gelegd. Prompt liep de aanval dan ook vast op het vernietigende vuur van Duitse mitrailleurschutters.

De verliezen waren aanzienlijk. Zo verloor het 107ste infanterieregiment 995 man, de zwaarste verliezen van een Amerikaanse eenheid op een dag tijdens de oorlog. Bovendien werd een groot deel van de, aan de divisie toegevoegde, tanks uitgeschakeld. Pas tegen de avond werden de mitrailleurposten door de tanks opgeruimd zodat de infanterie kon oprukken.

Meer naar het zuiden verging het de 30ste Amerikaanse Divisie, in wat hun vuurdoop was, voorspoediger. Gesteund door tanks waren ze in enkele uren over de lange kanaaltunnel heen en rukten snel de Siegfried Stellung binnen. Overmoedig geworden hielden ze er geen rekening mee dat de Duitsers zich in de kanaaltunnel en in bunkers verscholen hadden. Deze vielen hen in de rug aan en hielden bovendien de Australiërs tegen die de aanval van de Amerikanen zouden moeten continueren.

Artilleriesteun kon niet geboden worden in een dergelijke onoverzichtelijke situatie. De Britse 46ste Divisie redde de zaak. Dit was een ervaren Britse divisie die al sinds maart 1915 aan het Westelijk Front vocht en de learning curve had doorlopen van het loopgravengevecht.

De Britten hadden op papier de moeilijkste taak gekregen, namelijk het circa 10 meter brede kanaal oversteken, en verwachtten daarbij veel verliezen te lijden. De natuur hielp echter een handje omdat er ’s morgens vroeg een dichte mist hing in het diepgelegen kanaal. Gevoegd bij de rook van de artilleriebeschieting resulteerde dat erin dat het zicht praktisch nihil was. De 137ste Brigade moest de spits afbijten.

De troepen waren voorzien van zwemvesten en de genisten van de Royal Engineers hadden voor pontons en vlotten gezorgd. Degenen die konden zwemmen, staken ongemerkt het kanaal over en vormden een bruggenhoofd voor de rest van de 137ste Brigade die per vlot overstak.

De stenen brug over het kanaal was ondermijnd maar de Duitsers konden uitgeschakeld worden voordat ze de brug lieten springen. De aanval kon vrij snel gevolgd worden met een penetratie in het dieper gelegen complex van loopgraven, schuilplaatsen en prikkeldraadgordels van de Hindenburg-linie.

Deze diepe Britse penetratie betekende een steun voor de Amerikanen en Australiërs op hun linkervleugel. Het op de Duitsers veroverde gebied werd door meer reserves naar voren te sturen verbreed zodat de posten konden worden opgeruimd die de Australiërs ophielden.

De gevechten verliepen voorspoedig voor de geallieerden en tegen de avond was er een diep gat in de Duitse linies. Er waren ruim 5.000 Duitsers gevangen genomen. De onneembaar geachte Hindenburg-linie was doorbroken. In de dagen daarna werd het gat uitgebouwd en op 3 oktober was ook de laatste loopgravengordel veroverd. Felicitaties stroomden binnen bij de 46ste Divisie waaronder die van Douglas Haig:

The brilliant achievement of the 46th Division in forcing the passage of the St Quentin Canal and mastering the defences of a large section of the famous Hindenburg Line is worthy of the highest credit.3)

[2] Geciteerd uit het artikel van Syk.
[3] Geciteerd uit Oldham, p. 175.


Mooi artikel. Lees vooral verder op http://www.wereldoorlog1418.nl/berichten/riqueval/index.html#03
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:54    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Second Lieutenant Frank Luke, Jr

(Artikel: "THE AUTOMATIC PISTOL CALIBER .45, MODEL 1911")

On 29 September 1918, ., of the United States Army's 27th Aero Squadron, flew over an American balloon squadron dropping a note, "Watch for burning (German) balloons" just beyond the German lines. As predicted, observers saw the three explosions of three balloons. Luke did not return. It was not until after the war that a grave's registration unit learned the conclusion of Luke's "3-kill" attack.

After destroying the third balloon, Luke was wounded and his Spad was so shot-up that he could barely control it. Nevertheless, he maneuvered his airplane to strafe German infantry columns. He crash-landed and was immediately surrounded by Germans. Rather than surrender, he drew his .45 automatic pistol and started firing at the Germans. They returned his fire, killing Luke immediately. Frank Luke was awarded the Medal of Honor posthumously.

These two events are among the best known involving the use of John Browning's Colt .45 automatic pistol*. This tough, durable pistol has been used by the U.S. Armed Forces for 80 years. Soldiers have sworn by it and sworn at it. It has a heavy slide and bolt that slams back and forth with each shot, in addition to its strong recoil. Many have found it awkward to use. However, with adequate training, it will serve the user very well.

* Our loyal readers have pointed out that this weapon is not a true "automatic", i.e., you cannot hold down the trigger and fire off the full clip. The editors of the Doughboy Center have consulted and concluded, however, that since the general usage at the time and also the terminology applied by the manufacturer was "automatic" rather than the more accurate "semi-automatic" we will not change the current terminology.

http://www.worldwar1.com/dbc/colt45.htm
Zie ook http://www.theaerodrome.com/aces/usa/luke1.php
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 20:57    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Battle of the St. Quentin Canal (29th September 1918)

During the final phase of the First World Was, late in September 1918 the British Fourth Army and the French First Army went for an attack on the Hindenburg Line in the region of St. Quentin Canal.

It was probable therefore that success, if gained at all, would be gained between Vendhuille and Bellicourt, and all the resources of the British Fourth Army were concentrated to that end. American and Australian Divisions would attack the tunnel defences of Bony and Bellicourt, while the British 46th Division, specially equipped with bridging material would endeavour to cross the canal north of Bellenglise.

But that attack had to be assisted by simultaneous attacks further north, lest the enemy’s artillery on the La Terrière plateau should concentrate their fire on the decisive front. So the 12th and 18th Divisions were to attack Vendhuille, while further north the IVth and Vth Corps of the Third Army made a subsidiary attack from Epehy to Marcoing. On the right of that latter attack the 33rd Division was to advance from the height of Epehy to gain the German forward positions west of the Canal. On the left flank of the 33rd Division the 98th Brigade were to storm Villers Guislain: on the Division’s right flank the 100th Brigade, including the 2nd Worcestershire, were to attack down the Targelle valley towards Ossus.

That attack, as we have said, was subsidiary to the main operation, and could not be expected by itself to achieve any great success: consequently, since there were not enough tanks and artillery to assist adequately the whole front of attack, all the tanks and most of the available guns had to be concentrated behind the main attack further south, leaving only inadequate support on the front of the 33rd Division. The attack of the 33rd Division was supported only by the 33rd Divisional Field Artillery—two Field Brigades without any addition of heavier pieces. In contrast, the decisive attack on the right was supported by 44 Field Brigades and 21 Brigades of medium or heavy artillery, and was assisted by a strong force of tanks.

Also the subsidiary attack was to be started earlier than the main attack in order to deceive the enemy and to engage the fire of the German guns. That latter provision entailed an especial disadvantage for the 2nd Worcestershire; for the Battalion formed the extreme right flank of the subsidiary attack, and consequently the Worcestershire companies would have to advance with their right exposed to enfilade fire from Lark Spur until the subsequent movement of the 12th Division further to the right.

The task thus set to the 33rd Division was so formidable that the Brigadier of the 100th Brigade, Brigadier-General A. W. F. Baird, reported, to the B.G.G.S. Vth Corps on the afternoon of September 28th, officially that in his opinion success could not be expected unless the attack was assisted either by tanks or by more artillery, or unless the enemy’s machine-guns were effectively blinded by a heavy curtain of smoke. But his remonstrance was unavailing. It was essential to secure the success of the decisive attack further south; and neither guns nor tanks were sufficiently numerous to be spared. The orders must stand.

Through the night of the 28th September 1918, the support companies of the 2nd Worcestershire filed forward to the front, and before dawn the Battalion was deployed for attack. In the front line,” Limerick Trench,” from right to left were “D” and “C” Companies; in the second line behind them were “A” and “B” Companies. The two leading companies were to capture the sunken “Gloster Road”; then the two supporting companies would pass through and take “Pigeon Trench “beyond.

At 5.30 a.m. on the 29th September 1918, the guns behind the 33rd Division opened fire and the battle began, the main attack on the right started twenty minutes later. Scrambling out of their trenches the Worcestershire platoons (the two leading companies advanced in deep formation; two platoons in front line, one in support one in reserve. The front line platoons were in extended order) advanced as rapidly as possible through a storm of German shells; but the rain of the previous days had converted the shattered ground into deep mud, and the laden troops could not keep up with the barrage. The British shrapnel burst for a few minutes along the line of the sunken “Gloster Road “ and then moved on down the valley. As soon as the shells ceased to burst over the road the German machine-guns came into action one after another, in all, 7 machine-guns appear to have opened fire from the sunken road and from the Cross-Roads. From the cutting in front and from the Cross-Roads to the right came the hard stammer of their firing, and under the hail of their bullets the attack withered away. Through the smoke of the shell-bursts the platoons in rear saw their comrades in front collapse, but they pushed on in their turn only to meet a like fate. All the platoons of the two leading companies had been shot down and the majority of the two support companies had fallen before the survivors came to a halt half-way to the road and took cover as best they could.

It was not possible to send a message back across that open ground swept by machine-gun fire, and it was not until after 10.0 a.m. that it could definitely be reported that the attack had failed. About that time a merciful mist drifted down and veiled the battlefield. Under cover of that mist the survivors of the attack regained Limerick Trench. German shells were still raining down all around, and a tremendous thunder of gunfire on the right flank told them that the main attack had been opened along the whole front of the Fourth Army.

Throughout the rest of that day shells and bullets struck around the trenches, which the survivors of the Battalion were holding. Orders for a further attack were followed by counter-orders; and the position was unchanged when darkness fell. That night came cheering news. The great attack on the right had been successful. The Bellicourt defences had been stormed, the St. Quentin Canal had been crossed, and the Hindenburg Line was broken.

The fall of the main defences further south entailed the retreat of the enemy in front. Patrols were sent forward before the dawn. They found the sunken road empty save for a few dead. Cautiously they made their way down the valley, reconnoitred “Pigeon Trench” and found it deserted, then pushed on to the bank of the canal beyond. Machine-guns spat at them from the eastern bank; but Ossus and all the ground west of the canal had been evacuated.

Unopposed, Colonel Stoney and the remnants of the Battalion advanced over the battleground. Between “Limerick Trench” and “Gloster Road” were lying the bodies of the brave officers and men who had made the attack. They lay in little groups of crumpled forms, platoon after platoon struck down by the hail of bullets. None had crossed the sunken road.

On the left and closest to the road lay Lieutenant R. K. Wright’s platoon of “C“ Company. In front lay the subaltern, a bomb grasped tightly in his hand: behind him lay his men, all struck down in the moment of charging. “His leading,” recorded the Battalion War Diary, “must have been magnificent.”

To the right and but little further from the enemy position were found 2/Lieutenant G. Lambert’s platoon. They too had all been killed; and they lay, riddled with bullets but still in line facing forward, their dead subaltern a few yards in front.

Further to the right the two leading platoons of “D” Company had closed towards the Cross-Roads, and they lay strewn in a semi-circle as the machine-guns had caught them. “Their position” says the War Diary, “bore witness to the splendid effort they had made to reach their objectives.”

Of the four platoons which had led the attack every officer and man had been killed by the storm of bullets at close range. The ground behind was littered with the dead and wounded of the other platoons who had followed them.

In all 8 officers (Lt. L. E. Ransom, 2/Lts. M. Glynn, J. A. Sudbury, C. E. Neale, G. Lambert, G. E. Woodward, S. Benbow, and Lt. R. K. Wright (Bedfords, attached)) and 80 N.C.O’s. and men had been killed, 3 officers (Lts. F. D. Barnard, H. J. Walford and one attached officer) and 150 men wounded.

That sacrifice of brave men must at first have seemed useless to the survivors of the Battalion—who indeed wrote bitterly of the weakness and ineffectiveness of the supporting artillery fire; but the sacrifice had not been useless. The attack had diverted much of the enemy’s artillery, and had drawn to the defences in front a fresh German Division, the 30th Division, from the enemy’s reserves (the enemy who actually met the attack were Jäger Battalions of the Alpine Corps, a formation which bad gained a high reputation). Thus weakened, the enemy’s line further south had given way before the attack of the Fourth Army; and the strongest bulwark of Germany was broken. The officers and men of the 2nd Worcestershire who lay dead in the valley of the Targelle were part of the price, an inevitable part of the price of the decisive victory of the War, the greatest battle ever won by British arms.

By midday of 30th September 1918, the advancing troops of the 33rd Division had reached the line of the St. Quentin Canal along the whole Divisional front and had begun to consolidate the ground gained. Under intermittent shell-fire the 2nd Worcestershire, now mustering only some 200 bayonets, established outposts and reconnoitred the enemy’s deserted trenches (A German trench-howitzer found abandoned in “Pigeon Trench’s on the morning of 30th September 1918, is now at the Depot of the Regiment). Patrols explored the river bank, searching for possible crossing places. Throughout the day good news came in ; the enemy’s front further south was shattered; further north the Divisions of the First Army were fighting, as we have seen, on the very outskirts of Cambrai.

By dawn of 1st October 1918 the position along the canal bank was fairly secure. Parties were then sent back to bury the dead; who were laid to rest in the ground over which they had fought, the eight subalterns of the leading platoons being buried together at the Cross-Roads which the attack had tried to gain.

After dark patrols were sent forward, who ranged up and down the banks of the canal seeking a practicable crossing. But from the far bank the enemy sent up flares and the German machine-guns fired repeatedly. No crossing could as yet be effected; and during the next two days the position on the front of the 100th Brigade remained unchanged. Then the 19th Brigade took over the line along the canal, and the 1st Queens and 1st Cameronians relieved the platoons of the 2nd Worcestershire. The platoons of the 2nd Worcestershire filed back along the communication trenches up the Targelle Valley and over the ridge by Vaucelette Farm to a bivouac camp on the reverse slope behind Epehy. There the Battalion rested and reorganised during the next four days. On October 6th, the” Battle Reserve “of the Battalion rejoined to replace, in some measure, the casualties. That reinforcement included five officers :—Capt. C. C. Tough, M.C., Lts. Croydon-Fowler, Williams, Laughton and Dudley.

The great attack of 29th September 1918 had achieved its principal object; the enemy’s strongest defences, the main Hindenburg Line along the St. Quentin Canal, had been broken. If those elaborate defences could not withstand the attack of the Allied Armies it was clear that no less formidable line could maintain a long resistance. But though the main Hindenburg Line had been broken, the Reserve Line of defence, the “Beaurevoir Line,” some two to three miles in rear of the Canal, still barred the path of the British forces. To break that last line of resistance a fresh attack was planned and fresh forces were brought forward. Among those fresh forces was the reconstituted 25th Division.

The 25th Division had moved on the 29th September 1918 from billets west of Albert to hutment camps near Montauban in the old Somme battle-ground. On October 1st, when the success of the great attack was assured, the Division was ordered to move still closer up, to Combles. Then came orders for the Division to move right forward to the front line near Le Catelet.

Thus it came about that the 1/8th Worcestershire moved forward once more over the ground they had known so well in the Spring of 1917. On September 29th the Battalion was carried forward from Warloy by bus across the devastated trench line to camp in Nissen huts near Montauban. On October 1st, “a heavenly summers day,” the 1/8th Worcestershire marched forward, with drums beating, to Combles; there the 75th Brigade were quartered in huts. Next day the Brigade marched onwards from Combles over the ridge at Bouchavesnes, the 1st Battalion’s old battlefield, down into Moislains in the valley beneath, and thence on to Nurlu. “All the time we could hear the “trampling roar of the great battle around Cambrai, and at night the sky was crimson with the “burning of the town. The next night when we reached Ste. Emilie, which we had helped to take “eighteen months before, the fire was out and we thought the town taken.” At Ste. Emilie, to which the 75th Brigade marched on the evening of October 3rd, leaving their blankets and packs behind “dumped” at Moislains, the Worcestershire battalion was indeed on well-known ground. The next day (October 4th) brought even prouder memories, for that afternoon the 1/8th Worcestershire marched forward through Templeux-le-Guerard, past that very Mound whose capture in April 1917 had been one of the finest feats of the Battalion’s history. Through Hargicourt and up the slope the column marched to a reserve position in captured trenches by Quennemont Farm, which in 1917 had been the limit of the advance. There the 75th Brigade was close behind the battlefront. German and American dead were strewn over the broken ground; and occasional shells struck along the crest-line during the night.

Note: This is an extract from the Worcestershire Regiment WW1 history by Captain H. FitzM. Stacke, M.C. with some additions.

http://www.worcestershireregiment.com/wr.php?main=inc/h_St_Quentin_Canal
Zie ook http://timelines.com/1918/9/29/battle-of-st-quentin-canal
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:00    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

29 Sep 1918: "The Bond" (film) is Released

The Bond is a propaganda film created by Charlie Chaplin at his own expense for the Liberty Load Committee for theatrical release to help sell U.S. Liberty Bonds during World War I.

Made in 1918 with Edna Purviance, Albert Austin and Sydney Chaplin, the film has a distinctive visual motif set in a simple plain black set with starkly lit simple props and arrangements. The story is a series of sketches humorously illustrating various bonds like the bond of friendship and of marriage and, most important, the Liberty Bond, to K.O. the Kaiser which Charlie does literally.

There was also a British version with Uncle Sam replaced by John Bull and promotes War Bonds.

http://timelines.com/1918/9/29/the-bond-film-is-released
De film: http://www.archive.org/details/CC_1918_09_29_TheBond
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:01    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

US Forces in Meuse-Argonne Offensive, 29 September - 11 November 1918

http://www.cgsc.edu/CARL/nafziger/918UIAA.pdf
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:03    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Kroniek van Baarle in de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1918)

29 september 1918 - Op 29 septem­ber 1918 werd aalmoezenier Mertens door granaatscherven ernstig gewond aan zijn rechter­been. In het hospitaal vernam hij dat hem het Oorlogs­kruis was verleend voor “...zijn moed en toewijding betoond tijdens het offensief.” Na de oorlog bleef hij in ’t leger, te Mechelen. Later was hij werkzaam in de Openluchtkolonie van Ravels. (Jan Huijbrechts)

http://www.amaliavansolms.org/joomla/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=191:09-kroniek-van-baarle-in-de-eerste-wereldoorlog-1918&catid=90:oorlog&Itemid=118
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:11    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1918: DEFINING VICTORY
THE BEF'S GENERALS ON 29 SEPTEMBER 1918: AN EMPIRICAL PORTRAIT WITH SOME BRITISH AND AUSTRALIAN COMPARISONS

JM Bourne

Seniority and Society were the dominant factors in Army promotion.
- David Lloyd George1

The war at least had made the Army for the moment a career open to the talents with only one standard: courage and the capacity to command in battle ...
No other army in Europe at this time was drawing its officers from more varied levels of society than did the British, or from so many careers in which individuality, resource and leadership were qualities which were essential to success.

- H Essame2

On 29 September 1918 almost the whole British Expeditionary Force was involved in major offensives against the German Army in France and Belgium. It was the biggest British Army that anyone had ever and would ever command: 1.8 million men, comprising 60 infantry divisions, five of them Australian.3 During the previous 24 hours, the BEF fired the highest daily expenditure of ammunition during the course of the war, 945,052 rounds.4On the Fourth Army front the 46th (North Midland) Division, supported by the heaviest divisional artillery bombardment of the war, broke the Hindenburg Line at Bellenglise. The Allied Commander-in-Chief, Marshal Foch, described this as 'the blow from which there could be no [German] recovery'. The day represents the apogee of the BEF in the Great War. It also provides a timely opportunity to examine the kind of men who had come into positions of command at this culminating moment in the history of the British Army.

Few groups in British history have been the subject of such vilification as the Western Front generals of the Great War. Their popular reputation remains thoroughly evil, unredeemed by 30 years of revisionist scholarship. Their professional competence is ridiculed, their courage impugned, their lack of humanity decried. British academic historians prepared to leave their comfortable campus chateaux for the front line of the village hall and provincial library soon discover, sometimes to their discomfiture, the enduring emotive power of the Great War in British popular culture. Attempts to defend the military high command are often met with incomprehension, sometimes with rage, and even with tears. The Great War still touches a raw nerve.

What exposed this nerve was, of course, the unprecedented and unique level of British casualties. It is difficult to reconcile these with the rest of British history. They mock the Whig tradition. Surely someone was at fault? Popular opinion quickly indicted British generalship. Although individuals, especially Haig, are singled out for special blame, the denunciation is essentially a blanket one. Few have escaped. Plumer is certainly one. He is everyone's favourite First World War general, even AJP Taylor's. His methodical planning, the limited nature of his objectives, his concern for the welfare of his troops are contrasted with the casual amateurism, strategic grandiosity and flint-like indifference to ordinary soldiers' suffering of his peers. Plumer's reputation is shared, perhaps, only by the Dominion generals, though in practice only two names are widely known in Britain, the Canadian, Currie, and—more especially—the Australian, Monash, on whose brow rest still the laurels placed there by Lloyd George in his War Memoirs—the war's one authentic 'British' military genius whose merits were deliberately obscured by a Army establishment appalled by the success of a man who was 'a civilian' when the war began and also a Jew.5

The function of the Australian Imperial Force in a certain strain of British popular writing on the war, notably that of Denis Winter, is to be held up as a mirror in which the British Army's inadequacies are revealed.6 Australian superiority is everywhere apparent. As 'amateurs', Australian commanders approached the war's operational problems unburdened by irrelevant dogma. Pragmatism made it easier for them to understand and accept modern technology and to learn from their mistakes. They were 'task-oriented', uninhibited by pointless attention to the minutiae of military etiquette and appearances, imaginative, adaptable and flexible. They led from the front and shared the sufferings of their men. In this they had little choice because their men were all independent-minded volunteers who could not be driven like sheep. Australian commanders could not expect automatic obedience. They had to prove themselves. In doing so they achieved moral authority. Their intimacy with front-line conditions taught them what was and was not tactically possible. Their aggression was duly tempered with calculation and prudence.

The explanation of Australian superiority, following Bean, is essentially sociological. Australian commanders were superior because Australia was superior: a democratic society free from the enervating inequalities of what Courtney Love recently described as Britain's 'serf culture'; a frontier society requiring initiative, resourcefulness, independent judgement and moral and physical courage; a rural society with plenty of good food and fresh air in which people could grow strong and straight.7

This essay offers a different perspective. It stresses the similarities, rather than the differences, between British and Australian commanders. To find these similarities Australian commanders need to be put in context. The first context is that of the British Expeditionary Force, of which they were part, whose 'learning curve' they followed and with whose British commanders, by the final year of the war at least, they shared many characteristics. The second context is that of Australian military experience before the war, the context of Australian commanders not as Australians but as Australian soldiers.
In the commonplace popular denunciation of British generals during the Great War (that they were 'all cavalrymen', that they were 'all stupid', and that they 'all stayed out of harm's way in comfortable chateaux miles from the front line') the most intriguing word is the word 'all'. 'All' is actually a considerable number. More than 1200 men held the rank of Brigadier-General or above during the Great War on the Western Front alone.8 Little interest has been shown in their collective biography. This is an important gap. Much recent work on the operational history of the British Army, notably Prior and Wilson's study of Rawlinson, the researches of the SHLM project and, in its perverse way, Travers' How the War Was Won confirm that the BEF's evolution was the work of many hands.9 It mattered then and it matters now who was in command of brigades and divisions and corps, who their staff officers were, who commanded the artillery and engineers and who administered the logistics of an immense and complicated institution.

On 29 September 1918 there were more than 450 generals serving in the BEF.10 These included five army commanders, 17 corps commanders, 63 divisional commanders, 189 brigade commanders, 100 artillery commanders, 45 staff officers and 23 engineers. Twenty-seven were Australian.11 What kind of men were they? The empirical evidence is clear.

They were overwhelmingly British Regular officers on the active service list at the outbreak of war. Into this category fall 74.8 per cent of formation commanders, 82 per cent of artillery commanders and 82.2 per cent of staff officers. This situation was not confined to general officer ranks. The post of GSO1, chief of staff of a division, was a virtual Regular monopoly: 94 per cent of the 53 British divisions had Regular GSO1s. Even at the junior (though important) staff officer level of brigade major, nearly a third were Regulars, many of them extremely young, often mere 2nd Lieutenants when the war began.12 The preponderance of Regulars in these key posts is too great to be explained by chance: it suggests policy.

The Army's ability to maintain this Regular dominance is, in some ways perhaps, surprising. There were fewer than 13,000 Regular officers on the eve of war.13 Only 10,827 officers belonged to the cavalry and infantry, from which the BEF's formation commanders and most of its staff officers would be principally recruited.14 These already small numbers were speedily reduced by the high officer casualty rates of 1914-15. Statistics of the Military Effort of the British Empire shows 2807 Regular officers killed or died during the first year of the war in France and Belgium, with another 1103 missing or prisoners of war, a total of 3910, a loss of 30.7 percent on the August 1914 figure.15

There were only four sources of trained officers readily to hand. The first was provided by the Indian Army, which had 3364 officers in August 1914; the second by the British Army's own Reserve of Officers (3202); the third by the Special Reserve (2557); and the fourth by the Territorial Force (9563). None of these provided significant numbers of generals for the BEF in September 1918 or indeed throughout the war.

Only nine Indian Army officers held general officer rank by 29 September 1918, a 'success rate' of 0.28 per cent.16 The most prominent was Sir William Birdwood (GOC Fifth Army). One of the BEF's best corps commanders, Sir Claud Jacob (GOC ll Corps), was also an Indian Army officer. But there were no divisional commanders from the Indian Army by September 1918 and only two brigade commanders, HE Ap Rhys Price (GOC 113th Brigade) and EA Fagan (GOC 12th Brigade). The staff picture was equally blank. Only five officers from the Indian Army had posts: Major-General HC Holman (DA & QMG Fourth Army); Brigadier-General CN Macmullen (BGGS XIX Corps); Major-General AW Peck (DA & QMG First Army); Major-General LR Vaughan (MGGS Third Army). The fifth, Brigadier-General RA Carruthers, was DA & QMG Australian Corps, a position he held throughout the war, having being recalled from retirement as Secretary of the Bombay Yacht Club in 1914 by his old friend, Birdwood.17

The British Army's Reserve and Special Reserve officers fared little better. There were only 17 general officers from this source on the Western Front on 29 September 1918, a 'success rate' of 0.3 per cent. Twelve were commanding formations, the most senior of whom was Sir Herbert Watts (GOC XIX Corps). There was also one staff general, though admittedly an important one, Sir Herbert Lawrence (CGS).18

The failure of Territorial officers to reach general officer rank was a major source of grievance in the Force.19 By 29 September 1918 there were only 11 Territorials holding general officer rank, none above Brigadier-General, six infantry brigade commanders (3.2 per cent of the total) and five BGRAs (5 per cent).20 These represent a 'success rate" of 0.12 per cent. In contrast, the 349 Regulars who held general officer rank on 29 September 1918 represent a 'success rate' of 2.74 percent.21 British Territorials were left to fume about a Regular "closed shop' and to look wistfully at the success of their militia cousins in the Australian and Canadian Corps.

In the face of the British Army's apparent determination to place trained Regular officers in all key posts, it is perhaps surprising that so many Dominion officers were able to reach general officer rank. This had not been the case in the Boer War. Only one 'colonial', the New Zealander RH Davies, received an independent command.22 The change owed much to the increasing perception of the Dominion contingents as 'national' armies, whose governments had both the will and the power to insist on the appointment of their own officers to positions of command, political backing which British Territorials lacked.

But the greater success of Dominion officers can also be misleading. The Australian Corps and its predecessor formations were never enclaves hermetically sealed from British Regular contamination. I Anzac and II Anzac Corps were both commanded for most of the war by British Regulars, Birdwood and Sir AJ Godley. Before its 'Australianisation' in the summer of 1918, the Australian Corps had also been well served by other British Regulars, notably Sir HB Walker (GOC 1st Australian Division) and NM Smyth VC (GOC 2nd Australian Division). Even by 29 September 1918 the Australian Corps was far from being an 'amateur' organisation. Four of the Corps' key personnel, Blamey (chief of staff), Coxen (field artillery commander), Fraser (heavy artillery commander) and Carruthers (chief logistics officer), were Australian or British Regulars.23 An Australian Regular, Brudenell White, virtually ran the Corps during Birdwood's indulgent command. As chief of staff also of the Australian Imperial Force, he continued to exercise a powerful influence on appointments and promotions even after his own elevation to chief of staff, Fifth Army. The tensions between Regulars and militiamen, so apparent in the British Army, were also present in the Australian Corps. 'Pompey' Elliott, in particular, believed that White favoured Regulars, especially those with British Army connections. He never forgave White for promoting Gellibrand, an ex-British Regular and staff college graduate, 'over his head' to the command of 3rd Division, a disappointment from which he never really recovered. 3

It is also, perhaps, a little misleading to compare Australian 'amateurs' only with British Regulars. If they are compared with British 'amateurs' a rather similar picture emerges. Tremendous popular misconceptions persist in Britain about the social origins of the AIF in general and its commanders in particular. The AIF is still generally perceived as a rural, frontier force. Australian generals were, of course, principally members of a well-educated, urban, professional colonial elite. They were, admittedly, often the first generation to achieve this status, many having parents from quite humble social origins and occupations. Only Gellibrand, Glasgow and Heane were engaged in agricultural pursuits. Bennett was an accountant, Cannan worked in insurance, Robertson and Tivey were stockbrokers. Cam Stewart worked in a bank, the belligerent and formidable 'Pompey' Elliott was a solicitor, Monash was a civil engineer and barrister, Hobbs and Rosenthal were architects, Grimwade was a pharmacist, Bessell-Browne, Goddard and Leane were businessmen, Herring was an estate agent, McNicholl was a headmaster and Mackay a physicist. These are exactly the same backgrounds from which the BEF's Territorial and 'Kitchener' generals came.24 The success of these men demonstrates the importance in modern war of the 'transferable skills' of the trained professional mind rather than the field craft of the frontiersman.

The BEF's generals on 29 September 1918 were also predominantly infantrymen. The belief that 'all' British First World War generals were cavalrymen is astonishingly tenacious. It is given support by the fact that both Commanders-in-Chief came from that arm as did five (out of 11) army commanders, two of whom (Byng and Birdwood) were in post on 29 September 1918. At lower levels of command, however, the situation appears less sinister. By September 1918 only one corps commander (5.9 per cent). Sir Beauvoir de Lisle, was a cavalryman (and he spent the first ten years of his army career in the Durham Light Infantry). Eleven divisional commanders were cavalrymen (17.5 per cent), but three of these were commanding (and had only commanded) cavalry divisions and two were Dominion officers.25 Of the 50 British infantry divisions on 29 September 1918 only six were commanded by cavalrymen (12 per cent). There is a similar picture at infantry brigade level: 155 brigade commanders were infantrymen (86.1 per cent) and only 17 cavalrymen (9.4 per cent). These figures are broadly in line with the proportion of cavalry to infantry officers in the prewar Regular Army.26 Cavalrymen generally fared better in the promotion stakes under Sir John French than under Sir Douglas Haig. Haig certainly favoured Gough's rapid ascent to Army command, but he showed little preference for other cavalrymen at corps or divisional level. Nor did he surround himself with close advisers who were cavalrymen.27

Where cavalrymen are mentioned in a First World War context, of course, the sound of gathering stereotypes is deafening. Not only are cavalrymen irredeemably stupid, but they are also ignorant of technology (a charge constantly asserted and almost never proven) and imbued with something called the 'cavalry spirit', which supposedly made them as reckless with other men's lives as they were with their own. The career of one of the longest-serving cavalryman commanders of an infantry division is, perhaps, instructive.
On 29 September 1918 Major-General Nevill Smyth was commanding a second-line British Territorial division, the 59th (2nd North Midland). Smyth was the son of a distinguished scientist. In a prewar career packed with incident he commanded not only cavalry but also infantry and machine guns. He suppressed the Khalifa Sherif's rising on the Blue Nile, surveyed the Sudan and charted the Nile cataracts. In 1913 he obtained his Aviator's certificate. His flying ability came in useful when, as GOC 2nd Australian Division, he achieved a certain degree of notoriety for 'borrowing' aircraft to do his own trench spotting. Far from being an unreflecting thruster, his command was marked by thoroughness, professionalism and attention to detail.28

When Lord Moran described the prewar British Regular Army as a 'small family affair' he was not speaking metaphorically.29 British Army officers came principally from military families. Nearly a third of the BEF's formation commanders, more than a third of the artillery commanders and a quarter of staff officers on 29 September 1918 had fathers in the British or Indian Armies. A public school education was common but few attended a university.30 Most had undergone preliminary training, either at the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, or the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. Formal training of this kind was comparatively unusual in contemporary British society. The British Army was certainly more 'professional' than much British business and industry.31 A third of the BEF's generals on 29 September 1918 had also successfully completed a course of higher training at the staff colleges at Camberley or Quetta. Trained staff officers were a precious asset.32 They were used principally in the posts for which they were trained: only 33.6 per cent of the BEF's formation commanders on 29 September 1918 had passed staff college, but all the BGGGs had, as well as 95.5 per cent of the DA&QMGs. Some staff officers felt that they were being 'ghetto-ised' and their careers held back by being prevented from taking field commands, where the opportunities of rapid promotion were seen to be greater.33

There are clear differences here between British and Australian commanders. Hardly any Australian generals on 29 September 1918 came from military families. Their fathers were more commonly farmers and graziers, businessmen, shopkeepers, artisans, schoolmasters and clergymen. Far fewer had attended public school, though many of the schools they did attend were elite institutions within the Australian context, and most had some form of secondary education.34 Elliott, Mackay, McNicholl and Monash were university graduates.35 Only one Australian general, John Gellibrand, had attended the Royal Military College, Sandhurst. Few Australians had passed staff college, though both White and Blamey, like many of their British counterparts, were used during the war exclusively in staff positions.36

Not only had the majority of the BEF's generals on 29 September 1918 been professionally trained, but they had also seen active service before the war, either in South Africa or the Sudan or in the small colonial 'bush-fire' wars of the North-West Frontier or West Africa or occasionally in all of them. This is often regarded as a source of institutional weakness. It produced an army which fought in 'penny packets', lacked operational doctrine, was weak in staff work and undergunned in heavy artillery. But the wars of empire also produced an officer corps with vast combat and active service experience. The intensity and range of professional opportunity offered by the prewar British Army was enormous. It is difficult to reconcile the fit, adaptable, energetic, resourceful, pragmatic men who emerge from the prewar Army's multi-biography with the somnolent, dogma-ridden, unprofessional, unreflecting institution depicted by Tim Travers and Martin Samuels.37

Nor was the Regular officer's experience of combat confined to the prewar period. The BEF's generals on 29 September 1918 also had wide exposure to front line conditions during the war, in which a high proportion had been wounded at least once.38 During the war as a whole one corps commander (Sir Walter Congreve, GOC XIII Corps) was wounded, seven divisional commanders were killed in action and three died of wounds (including one Australian, William Holmes), nine divisional commanders were wounded (including another Australian, Charles Rosenthal, one of five wounds he received in all), 30 infantry brigade commanders were killed in action and eight died of wounds (including one British Regular serving with the Australians, Duncan Glasfurd), 72 infantry brigade commanders were wounded (including four Australians, Brand, Gellibrand, Paton and Tivey).39 Some châteaux were clearly built far too close to the front line.

It is in some ways misleading to portray Australian commanders as 'civilians'. They had considerable military experience. This was principally of two kinds: actual combat; and pre-war peacetime service. The pre-war combat experience of Australian generals was less extensive than that of their British counterparts, but it was nevertheless impressive, involving service in a large-scale and demanding conflict, the South African War. Bessell-Browne, Brand, Elliott, Goddard and Tivey all served there, as had (the then British Regular) Gellibrand. The Australians' pre-Western Front combat experience was equally large-scale and demanding. Many of the Australian units which arrived in France in 1916 had received their baptism of fire on Gallipoli. This provided a brutal crash course in the realities of modern war. (It is significant, perhaps, that two British divisions which served on Gallipoli, the 11th (Northern) Division and the 29th Division, also achieved elite status on the Western Front.) Australian generals could measure their experience in wound stripes. An extraordinary 50 per cent of Australian formation commanders were wounded at least once sometime during the war. Their reputation for being aware of front-line realities is well merited, but it was hardly unique.

The pre-war peacetime experience of Australian commanders has attracted less attention and tends to be underestimated. Soldiering for most of them was not a career, but a leisure activity, a hobby. This is not to trivialise it. After all, many pursue their hobbies with fanatical dedication. Intelligent, educated men were unlikely to be content with a constant diet of drill. Instead, they often chose to read. Both Elliott and Monash were formidably well read in the history of war, a trait they shared with a British Territorial general, Henry Page-Croft. They could also choose to take instructional courses. These were rarely confined to one branch of the service. This promoted an awareness of the problems of other arms and of the importance of inter-arm co-operation, an understanding often lacking in the British Army. Keen officers could also volunteer for unusual assignments. These often involved staff work of some kind: writing manuals; surveying and map making; intelligence gathering and assessment; unit administration. It was possible to derive much relevant experience from service in the pre-war Australian militia: an awareness of the importance of training, of careful reconnaissance, of topography, of meticulous operational and administrative staff work; of co-operation; of logistics. One man, at least, did so. His name was John Monash.

Experience in the BEF was reinforced by youth. The general officers of the Hundred Days were young and getting younger. The average age of divisional commanders on first appointment dropped by a decade during the course of the war, from 55.2 in 1914 to 45.9 in 1918.40 The average age of the BEF's formation commanders on 29 September 1918 was 44.3. Sixteen divisional commanders (25.4 percent) were under 45 (two of them Australians), the youngest being the 35-year-old Keppel Bethell (GOC 66th (2nd East Lancashire) Division). One hundred and twenty brigade commanders (63.5 per cent) were under 45, 49 (25.9 per cent) under 40, the youngest being the 28-year-old Bernard Freyberg VC (GOC 88th Brigade). Twenty-eight infantry brigade commanders under the age of 35 were appointed during the war. Five were Australian (17.9 per cent).41

Bean believed that the youthfulness of Australian commanders was exceptional.42 He was wrong. The differences are marginal. The average age of British corps commanders on 29 September 1918 was 52.6: Monash was 53. The average age of British divisional commanders was 47.5, that of Australian 46; the average age of British brigade commanders was 42.2, that of Australian 40.8. The BEF and the Australian Corps were dancing to the same tune. The war demanded younger, finer, more experienced commanders. By September 1918 both the BEF and the Australian Corps had them.

'Looking round the faces opposite me,' Field-Marshal Haig confided to his diary on 20 July 1917, 'I felt what a fine hard-looking determined set of men the war had brought to the front'.43 This was even more true by 29 September 1918. The process by which this evolution came about, however, is badly documented and poorly understood. The role of the Military Secretary's office in identifying men for promotion has never been studied. How the Military Secretary's staff operated and what qualities they looked for can only be inferred. The statistical evidence suggests that promotion had little to do with 'cap badge' patronage or the operation of regimental mafias.44 What is clear is that the bulk of British generals on 29 September 1918, especially its formation commanders, were rapidly promoted young officers, most of whom were 'acting up' (on temporary rank) at least two—and commonly three—levels above their substantive rank. Only one divisional commander on 29 September, 1918, George Gorringe (GOC 47th (2nd London) Division), was a Major-General when the war began. 'Major' was the rank most commonly held at the outbreak of war by divisional commanders (34.9 per cent), artillery commanders (68 per cent) and staff officers (66.7 per cent); for brigade commanders it was captain (45.5 per cent).

This had important consequences for the command and leadership perceptions of British generals. What they brought to command positions were the training, experience and instincts of regimental officers. These emphasised personal courage, a high sense of duty, concern for the welfare of their men and professional attention to detail, not least in unit administration.45 This did not make for a great deal of military genius, but tactical innovation and original thought were not essential for competent brigade, division or even corps commanders. What was absolutely necessary was careful (preferably personal) reconnaissance, thorough preparation and an awareness of the 'friction of war'. Anything less invited disaster at the hands of a formidable enemy.

Did Australian generals offer anything different? In part, at least, the answer must be 'yes'. Charles Bean believed that Australian officers were closer to their men.46 He was probably right. British Regular officers were often sphinx-like and imperturbable: they kept their distance as a matter of principle. They were aware that the urban, working-men who flocked into the New Armies were different from the prewar rankers they were used to, but few seemed capable of making the leap of imagination which command of them appeared to require.47 Although British unit histories often speak of a particular general being 'loved and respected by all ranks', it is doubtful how many really achieved a degree of personal loyalty from the ordinary soldier. Few received the respect and devotion accorded to 'Pompey' Elliott by his men or to John Gellibrand by his officers. Fewer still displayed Charles Rosenthal's flair for self-publicity. But it is easy to exaggerate the differences. Bean himself described Bill Glasgow, perhaps the most impressive of the Australian divisional commanders on 29 September 1918, as 'an Australian counterpart of the best type of English country gentleman'.48 The longest-serving—and largely forgotten—Australian brigade commander, Edwin Tivey, is also often noted for his 'English' characteristics. Monash, himself, was hardly a stereotypical Australian commander. He was not close to or beloved by the ordinary soldier. He was a strict disciplinarian who never sought popularity, characteristics which endeared him to Haig, who had little time for the shameless vulgarity of Monash's predecessor, Birdwood. He rarely, if ever, visited the front line. His was the managerial style of command. He was a calculating man. He measured his resources against his task. And he rarely bit off more than he could chew. These, in the end, were the characteristics that mattered in the First World War: the capacity to take infinite care with planning and preparation; to respond effectively to battlefield emergencies; and to maintain the initiative by constant harassing of the enemy. These military virtues were well represented in the Australian Corps, but were not unique to it. On 29 September 1918 they were widespread at battalion, brigade and divisional command levels throughout the BEF and were increasingly to be found at corps level. By September 1918 'neither seniority nor Society counted' for much. The British Army, temporarily at least, was a 'career open to the talents with only one standard: courage and the capacity to command in battle'.

Endnotes
1. D Lloyd George, War Memoirs, 2 vols (London: Odhams [1938]), II: 2041.
2. H Essame, The Battle for Europe 1918 (London: Batsford, 1972), 111.
3. The 4th Australian Division, together with the three British cavalry divisions, was actually in GHQ Reserve on 29 September 1918.
4. Jonathan Bailey, The First World War and the Birth of the Modern Style of Warfare (Camberley: Strategic and Combat Studies Institute, 1996), 45.
5. Lloyd George, War Memoirs, II: 2016, 2041-2.
6. Denis Winter, Death's Men Soldiers of the Great War (London: Allen Lane, 1978), 46-9.
7. CEW Bean, The Australian Imperial Force in France, during the Allied Offensive, 1918 (1942; St Lucia, London, New York: University of Queensland Press, 1983), 19-31, 1074-96. See also Dudley McCarthy, Gallipoli to the Somme, The Story of CEW Bean (London: Leo Cooper/Seeker & Warburg, 1983), 328-9.
8. The latest count shows 1223 names, but there are probably still some more to come out of the woodwork. 9. Robin Prior and Trevor Wilson, Command on the Western Front: The Military Career of Sir Henry Rawlinson (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); for the SHLM project, see John Lee, 'The SHLM Project: Assessing the Battle Performance of British Divisions, 1914-1918', in Paddy Griffith (ed ), British Fighting Methods in the Great War (London: Cass, 1996). 175-81; Tim Travers, How the War Was Won: Command and Technology in the British Army on the Western Front 1917-1918 (London: Routledge, 1992). The SHLM Project, now called 'The SHLM Battle Assessment Study', derives its name from the first initial of the surnames of the four main investigators: Peter Simkins, Bryn Hammond, John Lee and Chris McCarthy.
10. The data base, from which many of the statistics in this paper are taken, actually contains the records of 447 general officers. These include all men holding general officer rank at army level and below except for medical officers and signalmen. The C-in-C and his senior lieutenants at GHQ are also included but general officers of the Royal Air Force, less senior staff officers at GHQ, general officers on the Lines of Communication and others involved in supply, transport, allied liaison and salvage are not.
11. HG Bennett (GOC 3rd Australian Brigade); AJ Bessell Browne (BGRA 5th Australian Division); TA Blamey (BGGS Australian Corps); CH Brand (GOC 4th Australian Brigade); JH Cannan (GOC 11th Australian Brigade); WA Coxen (BGRA Australian Corps); HE Elliott (GOC 15th Australian Brigade); CH Foott (Chief Engineer Australian Corps); J Gellibrand (GOC 3rd Australian Division); TW Glasgow (GOC 7
1st Australian Division); HA Goddard (GOC 9th Australian Brigade); HW Grimwade (BGRA 3rd Australian Division); J Heane (GOC 2nd Australian Brigade); SCE Herring (GOC 13th Australian Brigade); JJT Hobbs (GOC 5th Australian Division); RL Leane (GOC 12th Australian Brigade); IG Mackay (GOC 1st Australian Brigade); EF Martin (GOC 5th Australian Brigade); WR McNicholl (GOC 10th Australian Brigade); Sir J Monash (GOC Australian Corps); OF Phillips (BGRA 2nd Australian Division); JC Robertson (GOC 6th Australian Brigade); C Rosenthal (GOC 2nd Australian Division); JC Stewart (GOC 14th Australian Brigade); E Tivey (GOC 8th Australian Brigade); Sir CBB White (MGGS Fifth Army), and EA Wisdom (GOC 7th Australian Brigade).
12. The youngest Brigade-Major in the British Army on 29 September 1918 was, however, a Kitchener volunteer, the 20-year old Captain RA Eden MC (BM 198th Brigade), the future British Prime Minister, Sir Anthony Eden.
13. Accurate figures are difficult to come by. Statistics of the Military Effort of the British Empire in the Great War (London: HMSO, 1922), 234, gives the figure of 12,738 Regular officers at the outbreak of war. It is not apparent which officers have been included. The Army List for July 1914 shows 17,255 Regular officers This figure includes officers of the Indian Army, Royal Marines and support services.
14. The July 1914 Army List figure is lower: 7067. It does not distinguish between cavalry and infantry officers .
15. Statistics of the Military Effort of the British Empire, 253-5. The figure is inflated by the inclusion of Indian Army officers among the casualties.
16. 'Success rate' = number of generals on 29 September 1918 as a proportion of the total number of Indian Army officers at the outbreak of war.
17. Field Marshal Lord Birdwood, Khaki and Gown: An Autobiography (London and Melbourne: Ward Lock, 1941), 240.
18. Another Reserve officer, the Earl of Cavan. also commanded a corps on the Western Front. He was C-in-C British Forces Italy in September 1918.
19. See Ian FW Beckett, 'The Territorial Force in the Great War', in Peter H Liddle (ed), Home Fires and Foreign Field: British Social and Military Experience in the First World War (London: Brassey's, 1985), 30-2. 20. Arthur Birtwistle (BGRA 66th (2nd East Lancashire) Division); Sir Smith Child Bt (BGRA 46th (North Midland) Division); GD Goodman (GOC 21st Brigade); Viscount Hampden (GOC 185th Brigade); JF Laycock (BGRA 59th (2nd North Midland) Division); Arthur Maxwell (GOC 174th Brigade); WF Mildren (GOC 141st Brigade); JB PoIlok-McCall (GOC 25th Brigade), RE Sugden (GOC 151st Brigade); TE Topping (BGRA 38th (Welsh) Division); and EN Whitley (BGRA 47th (2nd London) Division). A small number of 'exotics' also managed to breach the Regular monopoly, some of whom had military experience before the war, but all of whom were civilians when the war broke out: CA Blacklock (GOC 63rd (Royal Naval) Division); Bernard Freyberg VC (GOC 88th Brigade); GH Gater (GOC 62nd Brigade); George Rollo (GOC 150th Brigade); SVP Weston (GOC 122nd Brigade); and EA Wood (GOC 55th Brigade).
21. This figure rises to 3.95 per cent if the casualties of the first year of the war are discounted.
22. Davies' post-Boer War career was spectacular. He was sent to England for special training, passed staff college and so impressed that he was given command of an infantry brigade, the 6th, which he took to war in 1914. During the BEF's deployment, he insisted on marching to the front with his men, a decision which left him exhausted. He was relieved of command in September 1914 and sent home to raise and train the 20th (Light) Division, the first New Zealander to command a division. After a few weeks in France as GOC 20th Division, he was sent home again and spent most of the war as GOC Reserve Centre, Cannock Chase. In May 1918 he committed suicide by slashing his throat in a London clinic specialising in the treatment of army officers with mental disorders.
23. The GOC 4th Australian Division on 29 September 1918 (Major-General EG Sinclair-Maclagan) was also a British Regular. A British-bom New Zealand Regular, WHL Burgess, commanded the division's artillery. By this date, however, there was only one British battalion commander left in the Australian Corps, Lieutenant-Colonel CS Davies (CO 32nd Battalion). All three had been on attachment to Australian forces in 1914.
24. Birtwistle was a cotton manufacturer. Cater an educational administrator, Hubback (GOC 2nd Brigade) an architect, Husey (GOC 25th Brigade) an accountant, Lewis (GOC 142nd Brigade) and Whitley solicitors, Page-Croft (GOC 68th Brigade) a maltster, Maxwell a banker, Mildren a company director, Rollo an engineer, and Weston a Member of the Stock Exchange.
25. TW Glasgow (GOC 1st Australian Division) and AC Macdonnell (GOC 1st Canadian Division). The ineffable Keppel Bethell (GOC 66th (2nd East Lancashire) Division), ever a man to defy precise categorisation, began his career in the Royal Field Artillery before transferring to the Indian Army and then the British Army cavalry. He had also commanded an infantry battalion on the Western Front.
26. Statistics of the Military Effort of the British Empire show 876 cavalry officers in August 1914 and 9951 infantry officers: 1 cavalry officer for every 11 infantry officers (9.1 per cent). The July 1914 Army List shows 894 cavalry officers and 6173 infantry officers: 1 cavalry officer for every 7 infantry officers (14.3 per cent).
27. Kiggell (CGS) was an infantryman, as was Kiggell's deputy, Butler. Davidson (DMO) was also an infantryman. Charteris (DMI) was a sapper. Fowke (AG) was a sapper. Maxwell (QMG) was yet another sapper and his successor, Travers Clarke, an infantryman. Kiggell's succcessor, Lawrence, was a cavalryman, but he and Haig were hardly close and it is not entirely clear what role Haig played in his appointment. The most important cavalryman in Haig's circle was probably Noel Birch, his chief artillery adviser, a Royal Horse Artilleryman.
28. Jonathan Walker, The Blood Tub: General Gough and the Battle of Bullecourt, 1917 (Staplehurst: Spellmount, 1998), 130.
29. Lord Moran, The Anatomy of Courage (London: Constable, 1940), 60.
30. Only 14 British Regular formation commanders had attended university and not all of them took their degrees. 31. Attendance at the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, was virtually total among British artillery and sapper generals. Four British generals on 29 September 1918 had also been promoted from the ranks: GF Boyd (GOC 46th (North Midland) Division, CB Norton (GOC 95th Brigade); Sir WE Peyton (GOC 40th Division); and GA Stevens (GOC 90th Brigade). None of these men was working-class.
32. See M Dintenfass, The Decline of Industrial Britain 1870-1980 (London: Routledge, 1992), 37.
33. There were 908 men on the British Army Active List who had passed staff college at the outbreak of wax. Of these 134 were killed on active service during the war, 56 of them in 1914 and 34 in 1915. See John Hussey, 'The Deaths of Qualified Staff Officers in the Great War: "A Generation Missing"?', Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research 75 (1997): 246-59.
34. This was a constant refrain of staff officers in their correspondence with Sir Lancelot Kiggell (CGS). Kiggell Papers (Liddell Hart Centre for Military Archives), V, passim.
35. Raymond Leane (GOC 12th Australian Brigade) left school at 12.
36. This pattern of higher university attendance is also apparent among British 'non- Regular' generals and Canadians. Five out of the 11 British Territorial generals on 29 September 1918 had attended university. In a seniority service like the British Army, delayed entry (inevitable in the case of university attendance) was not an attractive proposition.
37. Tim Travers, The Killing Ground: The British Army and the Emergence of Modern Warfare, 1900-1918 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1987), and Martin Samuels, Doctrine and Dogma: British and German Infantry Tactics in the First World War (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1992).
38. Twenty-nine point nine per cent of formation commanders were wounded at least once sometime during the war. These included one corps commander (5.9 per cent), 24 divisional commanders (38.1 per cent) and 58 brigade commanders (30.7 per cent).
39. For a full reckoning of British senior officer casualties, see F Da vies and G Maddocks, Bloody Red Tabs: General Officer Casualties of the Great War, 1914-1918 (London: Leo Cooper, 1996).
40. JM Bourne, 'British Divisional Commanders during the Great War: First Thoughts', Gun Fire: A Journal of First World War History 29 (nd), 26.
41. Bennett (GOC 3rd Australian Brigade), Drake-Brockman (GOC 12th Australian Brigade), Jess (GOC 10th Australian Brigade) and Stewart (GOC 14th Australian Brigade). Bennett was the youngest general in the British Army at the time of his promotion. The youngest general of all was the 25-year old RB Bradford VC (GOC 186th Brigade), killed at Cambrai in November 1917.
42. Bean, The Australian Imperial Force in France During the Allied Offensive, 1918, 1081.
43. Quoted in John Terraine, The Road to Passchendaele: The Flanders Offensive of 1917: A Study in Inevitability (London: Leo Cooper, 1984), 197.
44. Bourne, 'British Divisional Commanders', 25-6.
45. This theme is explored more thoroughly in JM Bourne, 'British Generals in the First World War', in GD Sheffield (ed ), Leadership and Command: The Anglo-American Experience since 1861 (London: Brassey's, 1997), 93-116.
46. Bean, The Australian Imperial Force in France during the Allied Offensive, 1918, 19-22.
47. Bourne, 'British Generals in the First World War', 97-8.
48. CEW Bean, The AIF in France 1917 (1932; St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1983), 571-2.


http://www.defence.gov.au/army/ahu/docs/1918_Defining_Victory_Bourne.pdf
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:13    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Het Einde

De ijzervreters Ludendorff en Hindenburg raakten eind september van de ene dag op de andere in paniek. Zij dachten dat een nieuw geallieerd offensief ieder moment kon beginnen en vreesden dat het Duitse front deze aanval niet kon opvangen. Op 29 september maakten zij bekend dat het Duitse front op het punt stond om ineen te storten. Alsof het nog niet dramatisch genoeg was, verzochten zij de Duitse regering om ogenblikkelijk de onderhandelingen over een wapenstilstand te openen op basis van de 14 punten van Wilson. Bovendien stelden zij voor om de parlementaire democratie in te voeren in Duitsland, omdat zij bedacht hadden dat er hierdoor makkelijker met Wilson te onderhandelen zou zijn. Deze volslagen onverwachte boodschap veroorzaakte een nauwelijks voor te stellen schok bij de Duitse bevolking. Die was gedurende het hele jaar bestookt met juichende propaganda dat Duitsland de oorlog in het oosten had gewonnen en zich alleen nog maar op het westen hoefde te concentreren.

Kanselier Max von Baden was bang dat een dergelijke handelswijze in een extreem nadelig vredesverdrag zou resulteren. De Duitse regering wilde het voorstel van de militairen dan ook niet accepteren en eiste een nadere verklaring. Hierop kwam vanuit het militaire hoofdkwartier alleen maar het dramatische antwoord dat er geen uur meer te verliezen viel. Na nog enkele vruchteloze pogingen gaf von Baden toe aan de druk. (...)

Lees verder op http://www.zachariel.nl/artikelen/zachww1deel4.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:15    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

John MacGregor (VC)

John MacGregor VC MC & Bar DCM ED (1 February 1889 - 9 June 1952) was a Canadian recipient of the Victoria Cross, the highest and most prestigious award for gallantry in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and Commonwealth forces. (...)

He was 29 years old, and a temporary captain in the 2nd Canadian Mounted Rifles, Canadian Expeditionary Force during the First World War when the following deed during the battle of the Canal du Nord took place for which he was awarded the VC.

During the period 29 September/3 October 1918 near Cambrai, France, Captain MacGregor acted with most conspicuous bravery and leadership. He led his company under intense fire, and although wounded, located and put out of action enemy machine-guns which were checking progress, killing four and taking eight prisoners. He then reorganised his command under heavy fire and in the face of stubborn resistance continued the advance. Later, after a personal daylight reconnaissance under heavy fire, he established his company in Neuville St. Remy, thereby greatly assisting the advance into Tilloy

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_MacGregor_(VC)
Zie ook http://canadaatwar.tripod.com/macgregor/book.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:20    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Special Orders No. 29 [9/29/1919]

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/diglib/vhp-stories/loc.natlib.afc2001001.01070/pageturner?ID=pm0003001
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:25    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Sept. 29, 1920: Radio Goes Commercial

Frank Conrad was assistant chief engineer of the Westinghouse Electric Company in Pittsburgh. He'd been interested in radio since 1912. To settle a $5 bet (about $110 in today's money) about the accuracy of his $12 watch, Conrad built a radio receiver to hear the time signals transmitted by the U.S. Naval Observatory.

Conrad won the bet, but that's not the point. Notice that he had to build his own receiver. Just like the days of home-brew computers later in the 20th century, that's what aficionados of the emerging technology had to do in those days.

If you didn't want to start from scratch, you could -- and this, too, should sound familiar -- buy a kit with all the parts and all the instructions. They were advertised in magazines that appealed primarily to ... guys. Science magazines, the Boy Scout Handbook, cheap fiction, detective rags, and the kind of stuff you'd find in the barber shop.

In any case, Conrad was on to bigger things than building a receiver. Like building a transmitter. Under license 8XK, he started broadcasting from the second floor of his garage in nearby Wilkinsburg in 1916.

In fact, Conrad was a pioneering in using the word broadcasting. It was borrowed from agriculture, where it means spreading seeds far and wide. Radio in those days was conceived of mainly as a two-way point-to-point medium. The idea of using one radio transmitter to reach a broad audience equipped only with receivers was something new.

Conrad tested and tweaked his equipment for hours on end in his spare time. But his voice got tired making constant announcements of his call letters and location, so he started playing gramophone records to give it a rest.

Sure enough, those with their own transmitters started radioing requests for specific music. Those who had only their own scratchy receivers phoned or wrote in. Conrad was radio's first DJ, and he was building an audience.

Horne's department store had something new in 1920: the first shipment of ready-to-use radio receivers. Nothing to build, just plug-and-play. The store placed an advertisement in the Pittsburgh Sun heralding the miracle that you could listen to music over the air:

Air concert picked up by radio here. The music was from a Victrola in the home of Frank Conrad. Mr. Conrad is a wireless enthusiast and puts on these wireless concerts periodically for the entertainment of many people in this district who have wireless sets. Amateur wireless sets are on sale here $10 and up.

The signal was building a demand for the hardware. The hardware was marketing itself with the signal.

Harry Davis, Conrad's boss at Westinghouse, saw some big commercial possibilities in broadcasting. With Conrad's consent, Davis applied for a commercial license to supplant 8XK and was assigned the arbitrary call letters KDKA in mid-October.

The new station went on the air Nov. 2, just in time to broadcast the results of the Harding-Cox presidential election over its mighty 100-watt transmitter.

In 1922, 30 radio stations were in operation in the United States, and 100,000 consumer radios were sold. Just a year later, 556 stations were on the air and half-a-million receivers were sold.

Radio was on its way, and the commercial broadcast model would reign essentially unchallenged for eight decades until the advent of satellite radio and podcasts.

http://www.wired.com/science/discoveries/news/2008/09/dayintech_0929
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:27    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Krant van je geboortedag

http://www.krantvanuwgeboortedag.nl/scripts/prodListOverview.asp?sDatePicked=29/06/1920

Vreemd... "Let op: het product kan afwijken tov de afbeelding"
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:30    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Poetry and the Art of Speech - THE ART OF RECITATION ANDDECLAMATION

LECTURE I - (Dornach, 29 September 1920)

In our time together here I would like to put before you, at least in outline, certain matters relating to the art of recitation and declamation. We will begin by adopting the standpoint of recitation and declamation itself: so that we have, on the one hand the practice, and on the other, considerations of this practice. Our starting-point today will provide us with a foundation for the considerations to occupy us later.

Lees verder als u denkt iets aan reciteren en declameren te hebben... http://wn.rsarchive.org/Lectures/GA281/English/LSF1981/19200929a01.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:32    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

A letter written by an Ennis woman...

... seventy six years ago has given a unique insight on conditions in Clare during the War of Independence.

The letter which was penned to her sister in London has been passed on to The Champion by the woman’s family who wish, however, to preserve their anonymity.

The text has also been abridged as it contains intimate news from one sister to another of family members and some of their acquaintances.

It is dated 29 September 1920 and begins with news of events in the woman’s home town.


Dear Sister,

I’m sure you are worried about Ireland, because really from day to day, we don’t know what is going to happen. Ennis is very quiet and peaceable so far T.G. We haven’t had the least bit of trouble and God grant that it remain so. There is a Novena of Masses starting at the Friary to morrow for the safety of the town.

Last Saturday the remains of six policemen (R.I.P} who were shot near Miltown passed through Ennis about eleven o’clock in the morning. Early that morning the police asked the people to close their shops, etc and suspend business from 9 o clock until 11 o clock as the funeral would be passing. Every house in Ennis, irrespective of class, creed or politics was closed. The funeral was a sad sight, the Military Band played the “Dead March” and police and soldiers walked in the procession. A few civilians and the Protestant clergyman walked also, but the streets and square were crowded.

There were three coffins in the first lorry, two in the second and one in a motor car. All were draped with Union Jacks. Five of these men were Irish and one was from London and I think five were Catholics. One was stationed in Ennis until three months ago. It was very sad about poor Lahinch. Those two men who were killed there, one was a visitor who only arrived the day before. He was from Scariff and his wife and child were with him. He was a cousin of Miss Salmon’s of Jail St. The other man was a son of Dan Lehane’s. Dan Lehane himself was wounded . He was shot in the neck but is recovering. His house was burned.

Mary O’Dwyer’s house and drapery shop at the other side were burned to the ground. Vaughan’s large new house is burned down, so are Flanagan’s two houses just beyond Mary O’Dwyer’s house, where we stayed. That new house of Walsh’s facing up the street and Reynolds public house just beside, are all gone. Howard’s, up opposite the Chapel at the corner is also gone. I heard his piano was saved.

It is terrible to think of all those poor people have lost. Agnes Ahern was staying at Mrs. Finnerty’s. She spent the night on the Prom. She got back the next morning to her digs and got her things alright. Dr.McDonagh was staying also in Lahinch and escaped and spent the night at the iron well with several others. But the majority of people and visitors made for the sand hills.
The folk at the Aberdeen stuck to their ship but they had all their bags packed and were up and dressed and ready to run at any moment, but they were not interfered with. Mr. and Mrs .Knox were staying there and they were telling Micho of their night. That house of Vaughan’s (Halpin the bank clerk owns it now) was also burned, but the men from the hotel saved the little house behind it. They drew water in buckets and put out the fire. Lahinch was cleared out the next day, visitors and natives left it and I believe no one has gone back their yet.

Ennistymon and Miltown also suffered. Most of the Ennistymon people also left. The O’Loughlins are in Kilnamona. That Connole man was killed, he was the man that had McInerney’s Lodge last year. Linnane is a brother of Mrs. Griffin of Ennistymon.

The man that was sent from Dublin to assist me was kidnapped from the Imperial Hotel, Lisdoonvarna, last Sunday week. He went there for a weekend with another ex- officer, a Mr. McClean. Both of them disappeared and have not been heard or seen since.

Another ex army officer Captain Leudrum the R.M.\of Kilkee has also disappeared and there were notices posted up all round Kilkee, Doonbeg, Cooraclare (the papers said) stating that if his body, dead or alive was not given up at once these towns would be burned down.

My Mr. Collis was a young fellow. He is an Englishman. I don’t know what he did. He was staying at the Old Ground when he was in Ennis. There were rumours around last week that he and McClean were found dead but it is not true I heard since.

Goodbye for now, with love from us all

Your loving sister

xxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxx

http://www.lahinchschool.org/opencms/site/history/otherhistory/history_0003.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 28 Sep 2010 21:33    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Hitler

29 September 1920 - Hitler’s first public appearance in Austria, with speeches in Vienna, Innsbruck, and Salzburg.

http://en.doew.braintrust.at/chapter2.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 29 Sep 2011 6:57    Onderwerp: Slag van Londerzeel Reageer met quote

Monument Blauwenhoek
Bij de Slag van Londerzeel of de Slag van Neeravert op 29 september 1914 sneuvelden aan Belgische zijde drie officieren en 127 soldaten. Als eerbetuiging aan de gevallen soldaten liet Juffrouw J. Orianne uit Londerzeel op 29 september 1919 - naar aanleiding van de vijfde verjaardag van de slag - een monument oprichten op het kruispunt Blauwenhoek-Ursene. Het werk is van architect Diongre. In beide landstalen staat er volgende tekst te lezen:

"Aan de officieren en soldaten van het 12e Linieregiment, 1e, 3e, 6e regiment Jagers te voet en Carabiniers te Londerzeel gesneuveld."

De gemeente Londerzeel heeft het monument in maart 1990 gerestaureerd.

Monument Neeravert
Juffrouw J. Orianne liet na het monument op de Blauwenhoek dit tweede monument oprichten om de 12de Linie te gedenken. Ze deed dit op 1 oktober 1919. Het monument werd geplaatst op Neeravert, op de plaats waar de pelotons van onderluitenant Van Calck (in de gevechten op deze plaats gedood) en adjudant Wouters (hier zwaar gewond) in stelling lagen. De oorspronkelijk eentalig Franse tekst werd in 1985 vervangen door een Nederlandstalige tekst op een nieuw monument:

Tot Herdenking der SOLDATEN van het
12de LINIE gevallen op het slagveld van
LONDERZEEL den 29 sept 1914
Zij zijn als ware Belgen gestorven door hun
jong leven te geven voor de vrijheid van
ons dierbaar VADERLAND
Bid voor hen
Zij rusten in vrede


http://www.londerzeel.be/fb111fmyb602eju1gvt42.aspx
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BerichtGeplaatst: 29 Sep 2012 21:39    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

"Watch for burning balloons." Op 29 september 1918 werd luitenant Frank Luke jr., op dat moment Amerika's topschutter, nabij Murvaux omlaaggeschoten en overleed kort daarna. Een extreem korte carriere van een extreem getalenteerde gevechtspiloot was ten einde.
http://www.armchairgeneral.com/watch-for-burning-balloons-lt-frank-luke-jr-wwi-ace.htm

Gr P
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BerichtGeplaatst: 29 Sep 2016 11:29    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Ferdinand Wydouw...

... is op 9 februari 1893 geboren in Boezinge, nu een deelgemeente van de stad Ieper. De familie Wydouw slaat in oktober 1914 op de vlucht voor het oorlogsgeweld. Hierbij raakt Ferdinand gekwetst door een Duitse kogel. Het gezin vestigt zich in Gijverinkhove, nu een deelgemeente van Alveringem.

Ferdinand Wydouw treedt in 1916 als milicien in dienst van het Belgisch leger. Hij sneuvelt op 29 september 1918, de tweede dag van het eindoffensief in Westrozebeke. Hoe Ferdinand om het leven is gekomen, wordt beschreven in het boek De Grote Oorlog van Jules Leroy van auteur Dries Decadt.

Jules Leroy krijgt van luitenant Juul De Winde de opdracht om samen met vier mannen het Hendrickxbos in Westrozebeke te doorzoeken: "Tussen dat struikgewas zaten echter de Duitsers. Net toen we het bos wilden betreden, merkte ik de vijand op. Deze legde aan om te schieten."

"Ik schreeuwde nog iets tot mijn vier mannen en wierp mij in de dichtste bommentrechter… vol water. Na een tijdje stierf hun geschut uit want toen de Duitsers op ons begonnen te schieten, schoot de eigen 1ste Linie onmiddellijk terug om onze dekking te verzekeren. Bijgevolg dienden we ons plat tegen de grond te drukken om door de eigen kogels niet te worden getroffen."

"Door het heen en weer geschut werden Richard Watteyne uit Menen en Achiel Wydau (nvdr. Wydouw) uit Boezinge op slag gedood."

Het slachtoffer wordt begraven op de gemeentelijke begraafplaats van Boezinge. Zijn strijdmakker Richard Watteyne krijgt een laatste rustplaats op de Belgische militaire begraafplaats van Houthulst, grafnummer R-755.
Ook luitenant Juul De Winde heeft het offensief niet overleefd. Hij wordt door een mitrailleurkogel in het voorhoofd getroffen. Juul De Winde, die onder zijn schuilnaam Juul Liseron gedichten publiceert, geldt als een van de IJzersymbolen. Tijdens de 18° IJzerbedevaart in 1937 wordt hij in de crypte bijgezet. Ook op het kruispunt van de Poelkapellestraat en de Hindryckxbosstraat in Westrozebeke, niet ver van de plaats waar hij is gesneuveld, wordt in 1938 een monument opgericht voor Juul De Winde.

http://www.oorlogserfgoedalveringem.be/nl/29-september-1918
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BerichtGeplaatst: 29 Sep 2017 8:15    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

THIS DAY IN HISTORY IN 1913: Inventor Rudolf Diesel vanishes

On this day in 1913, Rudolf Diesel, inventor of the engine that bears his name, disappears from the steamship Dresden while traveling from Antwerp, Belgium to Harwick, England. On October 10, a Belgian sailor aboard a North Sea steamer spotted a body floating in the water; upon further investigation, it turned out that the body was Diesel’s. There was, and remains, a great deal of mystery surrounding his death: It was officially judged a suicide, but many people believed (and still believe) that Diesel was murdered.

Diesel patented a design for his engine on February 28, 1892,; the following year, he explained his design in a paper called “Theory and Construction of a Rational Heat Engine to Replace the Steam Engine and Contemporary Combustion Engine.” He called his invention a “compression ignition engine” that could burn any fuel–later on, the prototypes he built would run on peanut or vegetable oil–and needed no ignition system: It ignited by introducing fuel into a cylinder full of air that had been compressed to an extremely high pressure and was, therefore, extremely hot.

Such an engine would be unprecedentedly efficient, Diesel argued: In contrast to the other steam engines of the era, which wasted more than 90 percent of their fuel energy, Diesel calculated that his could be as much as 75 percent efficient. (That is, just one-quarter of their energy would be wasted.) The most efficient engine that Diesel ever actually built had an efficiency of 26 percent–not quite 75 percent, but still much better than its peers.

By 1912, there were more than 70,000 diesel engines working around the world, mostly in factories and generators. Eventually, Diesel’s engine would revolutionize the railroad industry; after World War II, trucks and buses also started using diesel-type engines that enabled them to carry heavy loads much more economically.

At the time of Diesel’s death, he was on his way to England to attend the groundbreaking of a new diesel-engine plant–and to meet with the British navy about installing his engine on their submarines. Conspiracy theories began to fly almost immediately: “Inventor Thrown Into the Sea to Stop Sale of Patents to British Government,” read one headline; another worried that Diesel was “Murdered by Agents from Big Oil Trusts.” It is likely that Diesel did throw himself overboard–as it turns out, he was nearly broke–but the mystery will probably never be solved.

http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/inventor-rudolf-diesel-vanishes
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BerichtGeplaatst: 29 Sep 2017 8:18    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Battle of Albert, 25-29 September 1914

(...) Heavy fighting continued around Albert until 29 September, with the Germans attempting to capture the town and the French holding off every attack. Finally, on 28 September Falkenhayn ordered Prince Rupprecht to move further north, to attack Arras (First battle of Artois). The front line would run just to the east of Albert until 1917, and the area between Albert and Bapaume would become part of the Somme battlefield in 1916.

Lees het hele artikel hier: http://www.historyofwar.org/articles/battles_albert1914.html
Rickard, J (15 September 2007), Battle of Albert, 25-29 September 1914 , http://www.historyofwar.org/articles/battles_albert1914.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 29 Sep 2017 8:19    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

29 september 1914: De Krant van 1914 - Paul Putteman

Nadat op 28 september de 37e Landwehr infanteriebrigade Aalst terug¬ ingenomen heeft, geeft generaal von Beseler bevel aan de Duitse 4e Ersatz divisie, waarvan de 37e Landwehr een onderdeel is, om Dendermonde opnieuw in te nemen, de Schelde over te steken en de spoorwegverbindingen op de linker Scheldeoever tussen Antwerpen en het westen van het land te vernielen. Dendermonde wordt op dat ogenblik bezet door een bataljon van het Belgische 13e linieregiment dat posities houdt op en voor de stadswallen. Er doen zich gevechten voor ter hoogte van de drie forten rond Dendermonde. De stad wordt vanaf 11 uur gedurende de rest van de dag beschoten door de Duitse artillerie en de Belgen plooien zich om 13 uur terug op de linker Scheldeoever, met uitzondering van drie posten aan de stadspoorten. De posten ter hoogte van de Brusselse en Mechelse poort moeten om 14 uur wijken wanneer de Duitse infanterie oprukt tot in de stad. Om 14.40 uur geeft de commandant van het 13e linieregiment bevel aan de artillerie om de kerktoren van de Onze-Lieve-Vrouwekerk in Dendermonde te beschieten, omdat de Belgen menen dat de Duitsers er een observatiepost geïnstalleerd hebben. De Belgische artillerie vuurt ook ter hoogte van de Brusselse en Mechelse poort tot 15.30 uur. Van 15.40 uur tot 15.55 uur volgt het Duitse antwoord met een hevige artilleriebeschieting op de Belgische stellingen. De Duitsers blijven echter niet in de stad en om 17.30 uur bezetten de Belgen opnieuw posities in Dendermon¬de. De posten aan de drie stadspoorten worden terug ingenomen. Door een Duits offensief om 23.30 uur moet de post aan de Brusselse poort wijken. De Belgen worden overrompeld en moeten al vechtend terugtrekken. Omdat men vreest dat de andere stellingen in de stad zullen ingesloten worden, trekken de Belgen zich volle¬dig terug op de linkeroever van de Schelde. De Belgen zullen op 30 september om 06.30 uur nog een nieuwe poging ondernemen om observatieposten op de stadswallen in te nemen. Maar wanneer zij de Scheldebrug zullen oversteken en in de stad komen, vallen de man¬schappen van deze compagnie onder vuur van Duitse infanteristen, die zich in de huizen aan de brug verschanst hebben. De compagnie zal zich hierop moeten terugtrek¬ken. Dendermonde is vanaf nu definitief in handen van de Duitse troepen. Luitenant-generaal Michel, commandant van de 4e divisie, laat aan Belgische arbeiders vragen om de houten trappen in de Onze-Lieve-Vrouwekerk te vernielen, zodat de klokkentoren niet meer als ob¬servatiepost kan gebruikt worden door de Duitsers. Op die manier moet de Belgische artillerie ook niet meer op de kerktoren schieten, wanneer de Duitsers daar een observatiepost installeren. Maar de arbeiders durven deze opdracht niet uitvoeren omdat Duitse soldaten aanwezig zijn in de buurt van de kerk. Wanneer zij zouden betrapt worden zou dit zeker hun doodvonnis betekenen. Luitenant-generaal Michel wil de streek tussen Baasrode en Moerzeke onder water laten zetten (inunderen), waardoor een Duitse doorbraak in dat gebied moeilijk zou worden. Op die manier zou hij een deel van het 10e linieregiment, opgesteld op de linkeroever van de Schelde in de sector tegenover Baasrode - Mariakerke, kunnen inzetten bij de verdediging van de stad zelf en de linkeroever ter hoogte van Grembergen en Schoonaarde. Hij zou dan het 30 kilometer lange front dat hij moet verdedigen, met een kwart inkorten. Hij beschikt immers slechts over 7.000 man-schappen en 23 kanonnen. De Belgische legerleiding, meer bepaald luitenant-generaal Deguise, bevelhebber van de Versterkte Plaats Antwerpen, gaat hier niet mee akkoord aangezien dit ook eventuele Belgische manoeuvres op de linker Scheldeoever zou kunnen bemoeilijken. Een inundatie zal pas overwogen worden in het licht van de volledige terugtrekking van het leger uit Antwerpen. Nadat de Duitsers de stad ingenomen hebben, zal de Belgische artillerie de Duitse posities in Dendermonde beschieten. Ook deze artillerieduels eisen hun tol: gebouwen worden getroffen door Belgisch artillerievuur en daarbij vernield. Weerom verlaat de bevolking Dendermonde, omdat het te gevaarlijk is om er te blijven. Op 10 oktober, op het ogenblik dat de gevechten in en rond Dendermonde definitief een einde nemen, verblijven er nog ongeveer 40 inwoners in de stad. De brug over de Schelde in Schoonaarde wordt op 29 september door de Bel¬gische genie preventief vernield: de brug is slechts gedeeltelijk vernield. De helft van de brug ligt in de Schelde en de andere helft is nog intact. Luitenant-generaal Michel geeft het bevel om alle overzetmid-delen over de Schelde te vernietigen zoals bootjes, schuitjes,… die niet noodzake¬lijk zijn voor gebruik door het leger. Tevens moet er over gewaakt worden dat niemand de Schelde oversteekt.

http://www.martelaarsteden.be/dendermonde/newsletter/29-september-1914
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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