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26 augustus

 
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Aug 2006 5:17    Onderwerp: 26 augustus Reageer met quote

Der Weltkrieg am 26. August 1914


Deutsch-österreichische Bundestreue

Wien, 26. Aug. (W. B.)
Über den hochherzigen Befehl des Kaisers an das Kriegsschiff "Kaiserin Elisabeth" schreibt das "Fremdenblatt":
Einer der erhebendsten Momente in diesem Kriege ist die deutsch-österreichische Bundestreue. Im Kampfesfeuer aufs neue geschmiedet und gestählt, kennt sie keine Grenzen, keine Entfernung. Mit vereinten Kräften werden die Tapferen von Tsingtau, welche die kaiserliche Treue adelt, kämpfen bis zum letzten Blutstropfen. Der deutsche Kamerad kann darauf rechnen, wir weichen nicht von ihm, nicht zu Lande, nicht zu Wasser." - Das "Fremdenblatt" betont, die Eroberung von Namur sei ein Erfolg von kolossaler und einziger Art, daß man kaum begreifen könne, daß es in bloß drei Wochen errungen werden konnte. Der deutsche Feldzug in Belgien werde ein ewiges Ruhmesblatt in der glorreichen Geschichte des deutschen Volkes sein.


Großer Sieg der österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen bei Krasnik

Wien, 26. Aug. (W. B.)
Das Kriegspressequartier meldet amtlich:
Die dreitägige Schlacht bei Krasnik endete gestern mit einem völligen Sieg unserer Truppen. Die Russen wurden auf der ganzen etwa 70 Kilometer breiten Front geworfen und haben fluchtartig den Rückzug gegen Lublin angetreten.

Kriegspressequartier, 26. Aug. (Priv.-Tel.)
Die Kämpfe um Krasnik sind von weittragender Bedeutung. Sie waren eine dreitägige Schlacht mit siebzig Kilometer Front, an der also vermutlich eine große Zahl russischer Korps teilnahmen. Sie endeten gestern mit allgemeiner Flucht der Russen, also einem völligen Mißlingen des geplanten Schutzes Lublins. Die österreichisch-ungarische Offensive und die Verfolgung der fliehenden Russen sind in weiterem raschen Fortschreiten begriffen. Die Folgen des Sieges bei Krasnik sind noch garnicht zu übersehen.

Wien, 26. Aug. (Priv.-Tel.)
In ganz Wien hat die frohe Kunde vom großen Sieg unserer Armee bei Krasnik den größten Jubel ausgelöst. Zahlreiche Gebäude haben schwarzgelbe Fahnen gehißt.
Aus Lemberg wird gemeldet, vorgestern wurde bei Jezierzany von einer österreichischen Patrouille ein russischer Aeroplan herabgeschossen. Die Flieger, der russische Oberst Martinon und ein Kapitän, wurden gefangen genommen und nach Lemberg gebracht.
Der russische General Wannowski, der hier an den Folgen seiner Verwundung gestorben ist, übergab vor dem Tode alles Bargeld dem behandelnden Arzte für die Zwecke des österreichischen Roten Kreuzes.

Wien, 26. Aug. (W. B.)
Aus dem Kriegspressequartier wird amtlich gemeldet:
Nach den letzten Nachrichten haben unsere Truppen in den Kämpfen um Krasnik 3000 Gefangene gemacht und drei Fahnen, zwanzig Geschütze und sieben bespannte Maschinengewehre erbeutet.


Von der Ostgrenze Galiziens

Wien, 26. Aug. (W. B.)
Aus dem Kriegspressequartier wird amtlich gemeldet:
Eine hervorragende Waffentat der aus Honved-Kavallerie bestehenden fünften Kavallerie-Division wird nachträglich bekannt. Die Division hatte am 16. August die schwierige Aufgabe erhalten, die russische Grenzsicherung am Sbruz zu durchbrechen, um festzustellen, ob sich dahinter stärkere Kräfte befänden. Bei Satanow gelang die Erzwingung des Übergangs und der Einbruch in russisches Gebiet. Die Kavallerie stieß südwestlich von Kuzmin auf überlegene feindliche Kavallerie, die von Infanterie unterstützt wurde. Der Feind wurde trotzdem von den Ungarn in die Flucht getrieben. Die Verfolgung kam erst am nächsten Abschnitt des Swetriz-Baches zum Stillstand, wo sich bei Gorodek russische Verstärkungen festgesetzt hatten. Obwohl ein Angriff nicht Sache der Reiterei war, griffen die Honveds doch den Feind in seiner befestigten Stellung an, wobei sie größere Verluste erlitten. Der Kampf bewies, daß in dieser Gegend sich stärkere russische Kräfte befanden. Nach der Lösung ihrer Aufgabe quartierte sich die Division bei Satanow ein. Nachts überfielen die Ortsbewohner, vermutlich verstärkt durch versteckte Soldaten, die schlafenden Honveds, von denen eine Anzahl getötet wurden. Daraufhin wurde der Ort strafweise niedergebrannt. Nach dem Vorfall sammelte sich die Honved-Division wieder vollkommen schlagfertig. Eine genaue Angabe der Verluste während des Vorstoßes und infolge des Überfalls ist noch nicht möglich, da sich einige kleinere Abteilungen und einzelne Reiter erst auf einem weiten Umweg dem Gros anschließen können.


Erfolge gegen Montenegro

Budapest, 26. Aug. (Priv.-Tel.)
Beglaubigte, von der Zensur durchgelassene Meldungen besagen, daß die österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen am 14. Aug. nach zweitägigem hartnäckigen Kampfe die wichtigen Höhen von Lisac an der Grenze von Montenegro, Dalmatien und der Herzegowina eroberten. Die Montenegriner wurden auseinandergesprengt. Der Einmarsch in den Sandschak und die Eroberung Plevljes am 18. August erfolgte gleichfalls nach erbitterten Kämpfen mit den Montenegrinern, welche eine schwere Niederlage erfuhren. Von den Montenegrinern wurden viele standrechtlich behandelt, weil sie die Gefangenen grausam mißhandelten. Die türkische Bevölkerung begrüßt die Truppen der Monarchie auf die herzlichste Weise. Die Kaserne in Plevlje hat noch deutsche Aufschriften wie zur Zeit der österreichischen Herrschaft.


Der deutsche Siegeszug

Berlin, 26. Aug. (W. B.)
Bei Namur sind sämtliche Forts gefallen, ebenso ist Longwy nach tapferer Gegenwehr genommen. Gegen den linken Flügel der Armee des deutschen Kronprinzen gingen von Verdun und östlich starke Kräfte vor, die zurückgeschlagen sind. Das Oberelsaß ist bis auf unbedeutende Abteilungen westlich Colmar von den Franzosen geräumt.


Ein Zeppelinluftschiff über Antwerpen

Rom, 26. Aug. (Priv.-Tel.)
Aus Antwerpen wird gemeldet: In der vergangenen Nacht warf ein Zeppelinluftschiff acht Bomben auf die Stadt, nach dem Pulverlager zielend. Zwei Häuser wurden zerstört. Es habe sieben Tote und acht Verwundete gegeben.

Amsterdam, 26. Aug. (Priv.-Tel.)
Die belgische Regierung hat gegen die Bombenwürfe des Zeppelin-Luftschiffs, die in der Stadt große Panik hervorriefen, im Haag Protest eingelegt. Demgegenüber zitiert das "Handelsblad" einen Artikel des verstorbenen belgischen Staatsministers Beernaert aus dem hervorgeht, daß auf der zweiten Haager Friedenskonferenz der belgische Vorschlag, das Bombenwerfen für die Zeit bis zur dritten Friedenskonferenz zu verbieten, nur 28 Stimmen auf sich vereinigte bei 8 Enthaltungen und 8 Ablehnungen. Eine Ratifizierung der Konvention erfolgte also nicht, zumal da außer Deutschland auch Frankreich unter den Gegnern des Verbotes war. Eine Bestimmung, die das Bombenwerfen aus Luftschiffen einschränke, bestehe demnach nicht.


Schutzmaßregeln im Louvre

Genf, 26. Aug. (Priv.-Tel.)
Im Pariser Louvre werden seit drei Wochen umfassende Maßnahmen getroffen, um die Kunstschätze vor Bomben der Zeppeline zu sichern. Sie wurden in eiserne Kisten verpackt. Die Statue der Venus von Milo und das Bild der Gioconda wurden in Stahlkammern eingeschlossen. Der griechische Saal mit dem Meisterwerk des Phidias ist ganz mit Sandsäcken ausgelegt worden. Die oberen Stockwerke des Louvre wurden ausgeräumt und in ein Lazarett umgewandelt, von dem die Flagge des Roten Kreuzes weht. Zahlreiche Gemälde wurden aus der Luxembourg-Galerie in das ehemalige Priesterseminar an der Place St. Sulpice geschafft.
(Dieses Seminar wird schon seit einem Jahre für die Überführung der Luxembourg-Galerie eingerichtet. Da es ein solider Steinbau ist, bietet es größere Sicherheit als der Holzbau des gegenwärtigen Museums.)
www.stahlgewitter.com
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BerichtGeplaatst: 27 Aug 2009 17:14    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

26 Augustus 1914 - Begin van de Slag bij Tannenberg (1914), het eerste Duitse succes tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog.

De dringende hulpkreet van Frankrijk, dat al zijn krachten in de schaal moest werpen om Parijs te verdedigen (zie Slag aan de Marne), leidde tot het versnellen van de Russische operaties aan het oostfront.


http://www.forumeerstewereldoorlog.nl/viewtopic.php?p=235149#235149
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 14:21    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

On This Day - 26 August 1914

Western Front
Battle of Le Cateau: British forced to retreat
Louvain destroyed by the Germans.
End of French attempt to recover Alsace-Lorraine: French fall back in St. Die region.

Eastern Front
East Prussia: Soldau retaken by the Germans
Samsonov's communications cut: beginning of the Russian debacle known as Battle of Tannenberg (25 miles south-west of Allenstein).
Galicia: Beginning of operations against Lemberg.

Southern Front
Novi Bazar evacuated by the Austrians.

Naval and Overseas Operations
Togoland conquered by the Allies: town of Atakpame occupied.

http://www.firstworldwar.com/onthisday/1914_08_26.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 14:22    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Battle of Le Cateau, 26 August 1914

The battle of Le Cateau took place during the retreat of the BEF in the aftermath of the battle of Mons (First World War). Both British and German troops were moving at impressive speeds, with some units marching more than twenty miles in a day. On 26 August both I and II Corps were forced to stand and fight against German troops that were too close to ignore. II Corps, under General Smith-Dorrien, consisted for three infantry and one cavalry division. On the morning of 26 August they were attacked by six German divisions – three infantry and three cavalry.

The British front line ran along the road between Le Câteau and Cambrai. During the morning the British regulars were able to hold their own. As at Mons their fast and accurate rifle fire inflicted heavy losses on the advancing Germans, but when two more German divisions joined the battle, II Corps came close to defeat. Towards the end of the day the British line was in danger of being outflanked at both ends, while the German II Corps was approaching from the direction of Cambrai.

The threatened envelopment was prevented by the arrival of General Sordet’s French Cavalry Corps on the British left. Overnight II Corps was able to slip away, continuing their retreat south towards Paris and the Marne. The British suffered more casualties at Le Cateau than at any battle since Waterloo – 8,077 men and 38 guns. The heavy losses at Le Cateau and at Mons seriously demoralised Field-Marshal Sir John French. For most of the period between Le Cateau and the first battle of the Marne he was convinced that the BEF would need to be withdrawn from the line to recover.

Rickard, J (11 August 2007), Battle of Le Cateau, 26 August 1914 , http://www.historyofwar.org/articles/battles_le_cateau.html
Zie zéker ook http://www.1914-1918.net/bat2.htm . Héél heldere site!
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 25 Aug 2010 14:31, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 14:25    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Battle of Tannenberg, 26-31 August 1914

Battle of the First World War; a crushing German victory over the Russians invading East Prussia. After a series of minor defeats against the Russians, the Germans placed General Paul von Hindenburg in command of the eastern front, with General Erich Ludendorff as his chief of staff, and on 22 August, before leaving for the east, Ludendorff put in place a plan to attack the Russian Second Army under General Alexander Samsonov, ignoring for the moment the Russian First Army. On 24 August the Russian advance was halted at the battle of Orlau-Frankenau by the German XX Corps, which then withdrew to Tannenberg. Unbelievably, the Russians were using uncoded radio transmissions, and by this point the Germans knew exactly where the Russian troops were. On 26 August the battle started. The German XCII and I Reserve Corps pushed back the Russian right, the I Corps their left, and the XX Corps attacked their centre. On the third day (29 August), the I Corp completed the encirclement of the Russian army, after which Samsonov was never heard from again, and his army disintegrated. By 31 August the battle was over. The Russians had lost 125,000 men, ten times the German losses. This, combined with the defeat of the Russian First Army at the First Battle of the Masurian Lakes (9-14 September), ended any immediate threat from the Russians and provided a great boost to morale in Germany

Rickard, J. (7 February 2001), Battle of Tannenberg, 26-31 August 1914, http://www.historyofwar.org/articles/battles_tannenberg.html

Battle of Tannenberg: 26-30 August 1914

Allied with France and Britain, Grand Duke Nicholas, the Russian commander, agreed to help relieve the French, under attack from Germany, with an offensive in East Prussia. This required mobility and nimbleness; unfortunately the Russians had neither.

Two Russian armies invaded German East Prussia in August 1914. Rennenkampf's First Army was to converge with the Samsonov's Second Army to give a two-to-one numerical superiority over the German 8th Army, which they would attack from the east and south respectively, some 80km (50 miles) apart.

The plan began well at Gumbinnen on 20 August, when Rennenkampf's First Army defeated eight divisions of the German 8th Army on its eastern front. By this time Samsonov's forces had crossed the southern frontier of East Prussia to threaten the German rear, defended by only three divisions.

Faced with imminent attack, Prittwitz, commander of the 8th Army, approved Lieutenant Colonel Hoffman's idea to attack Samsonov's left flank, aided by another three divisions moved by rail from the Gumbinnen front. However, on 23 August Prittwitz was replaced by General von Hindenburg whose chief of staff, Ludendorff, immediately confirmed Hoffmann's plan to strike at Samsonov's left flank.

The Germans then got lucky when they intercepted an uncoded Russian message indicating that Rennenkampf was in no hurry to advance. Developing Hoffman's original plan, Ludendorff concentrated six divisions against Samsonov's left flank and took a calculated risk to withdraw the rest of the German troops from Gumbinnen and move them to face Samsonov's right flank, leaving only a cavalry screen against Rennenkampf. This move was helped by the lack of communication between the two Russian commanders, who disliked each other.

Samsonov's forces were spread out along a 60 mile front and advancing gradually against the Germans when, on 26 August, Ludendorff ordered an attack on Samsonov's left wing near Usdau. There, German artillery forced a Russian retreat, whereupon they were pursued toward Neidenburg, in the rear of the Russian centre.

A Russian counter-attack from Soldau enabled two Russian army corps to escape south east before the German pursuit continued. By nightfall on 29 August the Russian centre, amounting to three army corps, was surrounded by Germans and stuck in a forest with no means of escape. The Russians disintegrated and were taken prisoner by the thousands. Faced with total defeat, Samsonov shot himself. By the end of the month, the Germans had taken 92,000 prisoners and annihilated half of the Russian 2nd Army. Rennenkampf's army had not moved at all during this battle, vindicating Ludendorff's calculated risk.

After being reinforced, the Germans turned on Rennenkampf's slowly advancing Army, attacking it in the first half of September and driving it from East Prussia. It was a crushing defeat for the Russians. In total, they lost around 250,000 men - an entire army - as well as vast amounts of military equipment. The wafer-thin silver lining was that the Russian action had diverted the Germans from their attack on France and allowed the French to counter-attack at the Marne.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/wwone/battle_tannenberg.shtml
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 14:27    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

26 August, 1914: The Burning of Louvain

New York Tribune, August 31, 1914, Reported from Louvain by Richard Harding Davis.

London, August 30 -- I left Brussels on Thursday afternoon and have just arrived in London. For two hours on Thursday night I was in what for six hundred years has been the city of Louvain. The Germans were burning it, and to hide their work kept us locked in the railway carriages. But the story was written against the sky, was told to us by German soldiers incoherent with excesses; and we could read it in the faces of women and children being led to concentration camps and of citizens on their way to be shot.

The Germans sentenced Louvain on Wednesday to become a wilderness and with the German system and love of thoroughness they left Louvain an empty and blackened shell. The reason for this appeal to the torch and the execution of noncombatants, as given to me on Thursday morning by General von Lutwitz, military governor of Brussels, was this: on Wednesday, while the German military commander of the troops of Louvain was at the Hotel de Ville talking to the Burgomaster, a son of the Burgomaster with an automatic pistol shot the chief of staff and German staff surgeons.

Lutwitz claims this was the signal for the civil guard, in civilian clothes on roofs, to fire upon the German soldiers in the open square below. He said also the Belgians had quick-firing guns, brought from Antwerp. As for a week the Germans had occupied Louvain and closely guarded all approaches, the story that there was any gunrunning is absurd.

Fifty Germans were killed and wounded. For that, said Lutwitz, Louvain must be wiped out. So in pantomime with his fist he swept the papers across his table.

"The Hotel de Ville," he added, "was a beautiful building; it is a pity it must be destroyed."

Ten days ago I was in Louvain when it was occupied by Belgian troops and King Albert and his staff. The city dates from the eleventh century, and the population was 42,000. The citizens were brewers, lacemakers, and manu facturers of ornaments for churches. The university was the most celebrated in European cities, and still is, or was, headquarters of the Jesuits.

In the Louvain college many priests now in America have been educated, and ten days ago over the green walls of the college, I saw hanging two American flags. I found the city clean, sleepy, and pretty, with narrow twisting streets and smart shops and cafes set in flower gardens of the houses, with red roofs, green shutters, and white walls.

Over those that faced south had been trained pear trees; their branches heavy with fruit spread out against the walls like branches of candelabra. The Town Hall was very old and very beautiful, an example of Gothic archi tecture, in detail and design more celebrated even than the Town Hall of Bruges or Brussels. It was five hundred years old, and lately had been repaired with great taste and at great cost.

Opposite was the Church of St. Pierre, dating from the fifteenth century a very noble building, with many chapels filled with carvings of the time of the Renaissance in wood, stone, and iron. In the university were 150,000 volumes.

Near it was the bronze statue of Father Damien, priest of the leper colony in the South Pacific, of which Robert Louis Stevenson wrote. All these buildings are now empty, exploding cartridges. Statues, pictures, carvings, parchments, archives -- all are gone.

No one defends the sniper. But because ignorant Mexicans when their city was invaded fired upon our sailors, we did not destroy Vera Cruz. Even had we bombarded Vera Cruz, money could have restored it. Money can never restore Louvain. Great architects, dead these six hundred years, made it beautiful, and their handiwork belonged to the world. With torch and dynamite the Germans have turned these masterpieces into ashes, and all the Kaiser's horses and all his men cannot bring them back again.

When by troop train we reached Louvain, the entire heart of the city was destroyed and fire had reached the Boulevard Tirlemont, which faces the railroad station. The night was windless, and the sparks rose in steady, leisurely pillars, falling back into the furnace from which they sprang. In their work the soldiers were moving from the heart of the city to the outskirts, street by street, from house to house....

In other wars I have watched men on one hilltop, with out haste, without heat, fire at men on another hill, and in consequence on both sides good men were wasted. But in those fights there were no women and children, and the shells struck only vacant stretches of veldt or uninhabited mountainsides.

At Louvain it was war upon the defenseless, war upon churches, colleges, shops of milliners and lacemakers; war brought to the bedside and fireside; against women harvesting in the fields, against children in wooden shoes at play in the streets.

At Louvain that night the Germans were like men after an spammer.

There were fifty English prisoners, erect and soldierly. In the ocean of gray the little patch of khaki looked pitifully lonely, but they regarded the men who had outnumbered, but not defeated, them with calm and uncurious eyes. In one way I was glad to see them there. Later they will bear witness as to how the enemy makes a wilderness and calls it war. It was a most weird picture.

On the high ground rose the broken spires of the Church of St. Pierre and the Hotel de Ville, and descending like steps were row beneath row of houses, those on the Boulevard de Jodigne. Some of these were already cold, but others sent up steady, straight columns of flame. In others at the third and fourth stories the window curtains still hung, flowers still filled the window boxes, while on the first floor the torch had just passed and the flames were leaping. Fire had destroyed the electric plant, but at times the flames made the station so light that you could see the secondhand of your watch, and again all was darkness, lit only by candles.

You could tell when an officer passed by the electric torch he carried strapped to his chest. In the darkness the gray uniforms filled the station with an army of ghosts. You distinguished men only when pipes hanging from their teeth glowed red or their bayonets flashed.

Outside the station in the public square the people of Louvain passed in an unending procession, women bareheaded, weeping, men carrying the children asleep on their shoulders, all hemmed in by the shadowy army of gray wolves. Once they were halted, and among them marched a line of men. They well knew their fellow townsmen. These were on their way to be shot. And better to point the moral an officer halted both processions and, climbing to a cart, explained why the men were going to die. He warned others not to bring down upon themselves a like vengeance.

As those being led to spend the night in the fields looked across to those marked for death they saw old friends, neighbors of long standing, men of their own household. The officer bellowing at them from the cart was illuminated by the headlights of an automobile. He looked like an actor held in a spotlight on a darkened stage. It was all like a scene upon the stage, so unreal, so inhuman, you felt that it could not be true, that the curtain of fire, purring and crackling and sending up hot sparks to meet the kind, calm stars, was only a painted backdrop; that the reports of rifles from the dark rooms came from blank cartridges, and that these trembling shopkeepers and peasants ringed in bayonets would not in a few minutes really die, but that they themselves and their homes would be restored to their wives and children. You felt it was only a nightmare, cruel and uncivilized. And then you remembered that the German Emperor has told us what it is. It is his Holy War.

http://www.gwpda.org/1914/louvburn.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 14:29    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

German 8th Army - 26 August 1914

8th Army Senior Command
Commanding Officer: Generaloberst von Benckendorff und von Hindenburg
Chief of Staff: Generalmajor Ludendorff
1st General Staff Officer: Oberstleutnant Hoffman
Senior Quartermaster: Generalmajor Grünert
Engineer Commander: Generalmajor Kersten

Lees verder op http://www.cgsc.edu/CARL/nafziger/914GHAA.pdf
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 17:54    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Battle of Tannenberg, 1914

Perhaps the most spectacular and complete German victory of the First World War, the encirclement and destruction of the Russian Second Army in late August 1914 virtually ended Russia's invasion of East Prussia before it had really started.

Russia's incursion into German territory was two-pronged. General Samsonov had begun to take his Second Army into the south-western corner of East Prussia whilst General Rennenkampf advanced into its north-east with the First Army. The two armies planned to combine in assaulting General Prittwitz's German Eighth Army, Rennenkampf in a frontal attack while Samsonov engulfed Prittwitz from the rear.

Such was the Russians' initial plan. Rennenkampf brought about a modification however following a scrappy victory against Eighth Army at the Battle of Gumbinnen, after which he paused to reconsolidate his forces.

Prittwitz, shaken by the action at Gumbinnen and fearful of encirclement, ordered a retreat to the River Vistula. Upon receipt of this news Helmuth von Moltke, the German Army Chief of Staff, recalled Prittwitz and his deputy von Waldersee to Berlin - an effective dismissal - and installed as their replacement the markedly more aggressive combination of Paul von Hindenburg - brought out of retirement at the age of 66 - and Erich Ludendorff as his Chief of Staff (having earlier distinguished himself at Liege).

Upon his arrival in East Prussia on 23 August Hindenburg immediately reversed Prittwitz's decision to withdraw, choosing instead to authorise a plan of action prepared by Colonel Maximilian Hoffmann, Prittwitz's deputy chief of operations. While Hindenburg and Ludendorff received much credit for the subsequent action at Tannenberg, the actual plan of attack was devised in detail by Hoffmann.

Hoffmann proposed a ploy whereby cavalry troops would be employed as a screen at Vistula, the intention being to confuse Rennenkampf who, he knew, held a deep personal vendetta with Samsonov (who had complained of Rennenkampf's conduct at the Battle of Mukden in 1905) and so would be disinclined to come to his aid if he had justifiable cause not to.

Meanwhile, General Hermann von Francois's I Corps were transported by rail to the far southwest to meet the left wing of Samsonov's Second Army. Hindenburg's remaining two corps, under Mackensen and Below, were to await orders to move south by foot so as to confront Samsonov's opposite right wing. Finally, a fourth corps was ordered to remain at Vistula to meet Samsonov as his army moved north. The trap was being set.

Samsonov meanwhile, bedevilled by supply and communication problems, was entirely unaware that Rennenkampf had chosen to pause and lick his wounds at Gumbinnen, instead assuming that his forces were continuing their movement south-west.

Samsonov was similarly unaware of Hoffmann's plan or of its execution. Assured that his Second Army was en route to pursue and destroy the supposedly retreating Eighth Army (and supported in doing so by overall commander Yakov Zhilinski, who was subsequently dismissed for his part in the following debacle), he continued to direct his army of twelve divisions - three corps - in a north-westerly direction towards the Vistula. The remaining VI Corps he directed north towards his original objective, Seeburg-Rastenburg.

On 22 August the bulk of Samsonov's forces reached the extremities of the German line, fighting (and winning) small actions as it continued to advance into the German trap of encirclement.

Ludendorff issued an order to General Francois to initiate the attack on Samsonov's left wing at Usdau on 25 August. Remarkably, Francois rejected what was clearly a direct order, choosing instead to wait until his artillery support was in readiness on 27 August. Ludendorff - along with Hoffmann - travelled to see Francois and to repeat the order. Reluctantly, Francois agreed to commence the attack, but complained of a lack of shells.

Whilst returning from their meeting with Francois, Hoffmann was passed two intelligence intercepts that had been transmitted by Rennenkampf and Samsonov, respectively, in the clear, i.e. unciphered. Their contents were explosive.

The first, sent by Rennenkampf, revealed the distance between his and Samsonov's armies. It further detailed his First Army's imminent marching plans, and these were not towards Samsonov's Second Army.

The import of the message was clear: the Germans need not fear intervention from the Russian First Army during their assault upon Samsonov's forces. The second intercepted message, from Samsonov, was similarly remarkable.

Having engaged - unsuccessfully - the heavily entrenched German XX Corps the previous day, 24 August, at the Battle of Orlau-Frankenau, Samsonov had noted what he took to be a general German withdrawal to Tannenberg and beyond. Consequently, his message provided detailed plans for his intended route of pursuit of the German forces.

With both messages in hand, Hoffmann promptly hurried after Ludendorff and Hindenburg and handed them the intercepts. While Ludendorff was sceptical as to their authenticity, Hindenburg, having heard Hoffmann tell of the personal quarrel between Rennenkampf and Samsonov, was inclined to alter the German Eighth Army's plans accordingly.

It was argued by Hindenburg and Hoffmann that Francois could, after all, await the arrival of sufficient artillery supplies before beginning his attack at Usdau, which in the event came two days later, on 27 August. Ludendorff, keen to assert his authority over Francois, insisted that the attack begin as originally scheduled.

Francois however had no intention of attacking without artillery support. Buying time he fell to bickering with Ludendorff and, as he intended, began his attack, by I Corps, on 27 August - and rapidly enjoyed marked success. Rapidly taking Soldau on the Russian border, and so cutting communication with Samsonov's centre, his forces confined Samsonov's left to the frontier.

Despite his success, Francois did not enjoy the trust of either Hindenburg nor, especially, Ludendorff again, particularly once they both moved to Berlin to take over the direction and conduct of the war.

At this stage Ludendorff, fearful that Rennenkampf's forces might yet suddenly join the fray, ordered Francois to move back north, another order ignored by Francois, who chose instead to take his corps east so as to prevent Samsonov's centre from retreating over the border. Although executed in disobedience of Ludendorff's clear order, his bold action contributed to the sweeping success that followed.

Helmuth von Moltke, the German Army Chief of Staff in Berlin, was similarly nervous of the German Army's prospects in the east. He astonished Ludendorff by telephoning him with notification that he was dispatching a cavalry division and three corps from the west to bolster the Eastern Front. Aware that the troops could be ill-afforded by the weakened German attack towards Paris - that is, by the precisely calculated execution of the Schlieffen Plan - Ludendorff protested that the reinforcements were unnecessary. Nevertheless they were sent.

Having decided on 25 August - the day he was passed the Russian radio intercepts - that Rennenkampf's forces were unlikely to attempt to join Samsonov Ludendorff sent the two corps stationed at Gumbinnen south where on the following day they met and brought into action Samsonov's VI Corps moving northwards at Bischofsburg. Surprised and disorganised, both divisions retreated separately for the Russian border.

Ignoring warnings of a massed German advance moving south, Zhilinksi directed Rennenkampf's First Army to the west to Konigsberg on 26 August, a considerable distance from Samsonov's plight. Given the degree of personal enmity between Rennenkampf and Samsonov - they had physically come to blows on at least one occasion - the former had no particular inclination to come to Samsonov's assistance.

Disastrously for Samsonov, Hoffmann and Ludendorff intercepted Zhilinksi's unciphered order to Rennenkampf. He promptly dispatched Below from Bischofsburg to rejoin the German centre, and sent Mackensen south to meet up with General Francois, where they joined in Willenberg, south of Bischofsburg, on 29 August. Samsonov was by now surrounded.

At last, on 28 August, Samsonov finally became aware of the peril he faced. Critically short of supplies and with his communications system in tatters, his forces were dispersed, and VI corps had already been defeated. Consequently he ordered a general withdrawal on the evening of 28 August.

It was too late for Samsonov's forces, as they scattered - many throwing down their weapons and running - directly into the encircling German forces. Relief from the Russian border in the form of counter-attacks were weak and insufficient.

95,000 Russians troops were captured in the action; an estimated 30,000 were killed or wounded, and of his original 150,000 total, only around 10,000 of Samsonov's men escaped. The Germans suffered fewer than 20,000 casualties and, in addition to prisoners captured over 500 guns. Sixty trains were required to transport captured equipment to Germany.

Samsonov, lost in the surrounding forests with his aides, shot himself, unable to face reporting the scale of the disaster to the Tsar, Nicholas II. His body was subsequently found by German search parties and accorded a military burial.

Hindenburg and Ludendorff were feted as heroes at home in Germany. Such was the lustre of the victory - combined with later albeit lesser successes at the First and Second Battles of the Masurian Lakes, that Hindenburg later replaced Erich von Falkenhayn as German Chief of Staff, bringing with him to Berlin Ludendorff as his quartermaster general.

A great propaganda victory, the scale of the Russian defeat shocked Russia's allies, who wondered whether it signalled the defeat of the Russian army. Such was not the case, as was demonstrated by the lesser scale of German victories at the Masurian Lakes. As always, the sheer weight of the Russian army ensured its survival. Even so, no Russian army penetrated German territory again until the close of the Second World War, in 1945.

http://www.firstworldwar.com/battles/tannenberg.htm
Zie ook: http://www.firstworldwar.com/video/tannenbergprisoners.htm
(film footage of captured Russian prisoners following the battle - 12 seconden)
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 25 Aug 2010 17:58, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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The Battle of Tannenberg by Paul von Hindenburg, August 1914

Reproduced below is a summary of the Battle of Tannenberg by Paul von Hindenburg.

Hindenburg commanded German forces during the August 1914 battle; its comprehensive victory - it was perhaps the German Army's greatest success of the war - ultimately brought Hindenburg an appointment as German Army Chief of Staff in 1916, replacing Erich von Falkenhayn. Also operating at Tannenberg with Hindenburg was Paul von Ludendorff, who similarly moved to Berlin with Hindenburg's promotion in 1916.

A Summary of the Battle of Tannenberg by General Paul von Hindenburg

In the pocket-book of a dead Russian officer a note had been found which revealed the intention of the enemy Command.

It told us that Rennenkampf's Army was to pass the Masurian Lakes on the north and advance against the Insterburg-Angerburg line. It was to attack the German forces presumed to be behind the Angerapp while the Narew Army was to cross the Lotzen-Ortelsburg line to take the Germans in flank.

The Russians were thus planning a concentric attack against the Eighth Army, but Samsonof's Army now already extended farther west than was originally intended.

What, indeed, could we do to meet this dangerous enemy scheme? It was dangerous less on account of the audacity of the conception than by reason of the strength in which it was to be carried out - at any rate, strength from the point of view of numbers.

We could hope that it would be otherwise as regards strength of will. During the months of August and September Russia brought up no fewer than 800,000 men and 1,700 guns against East Prussia, for the defence of which we had only 210,000 German soldiers and 600 guns at our disposal.

Our counter-measures were simple. I will attempt to make the broad outlines of our plan clear to the reader even if he is not an expert.

In the first place we opposed a thin centre to Samsonof's solid mass. I say thin, not weak. For it was composed of men with hearts and wills of steel. Behind them were their homes, wives and children, parents and relatives and everything they had. It was the 10th Corps, brave East and West Prussians.

This thin centre might bend under the enemy's pressure, but it would not break. While this centre was engaged two important groups on its wings were to carry out the decisive attack.

The troops of the 1st Corps, reinforced by Landwehr - likewise sons of the threatened region - were brought for the battle from the right, the northwest, the troops of the 17th Corps and the 1st Reserve Corps, with a Landwehr brigade, from the left, the north and northeast. These men of the 17th Corps and 1st Reserve Corps as well as the Landwehr and Landsturm also had behind them everything which made life worth living.

We had not merely to win a victory over Samsonof. We had to annihilate him. Only thus could we get a free hand to deal with the second enemy, Rennenkampf, who was even then plundering and burning East Prussia. Only thus could we really and completely free our old Prussian land and be in a position to do something else which was expected of us - intervene in the mighty battle for a decision which was raging between Russia and our Austro-Hungarian Ally in Galicia and Poland.

If this first blow were not final the danger for our Homeland would become like a lingering disease, the burnings and murders in East Prussia would remain unavenged, and our Allies in the south would wait for us in vain.

It was thus a case for complete measures. Everything must be thrown in which could prove of the slightest use in manoeuvre warfare and could at all be spared. The fortresses of Graudenz and Thorn disgorged yet more Landwehr fit for the field.

Moreover, our Landwehr came from the trenches between the Masurian Lakes, which were covering our new operations in the east, and handed over the defence there to a smaller and diminishing number of Landsturm. Once we had won the battle in the field we should no longer need the fortresses of Thorn and Graudenz, and should be freed from anxieties as regards the defiles between the lakes.

Our cavalry division and the Konigsberg garrison with two Landwehr brigades were to remain facing Rennenkampf, who might fall upon us like an avalanche from the north-east at any time. But at the moment we could not yet say whether these forces would really be sufficient.

They formed but a light veil which would easily be torn if Rennenkampf's main columns moved or his innumerable cavalry squadrons advanced, as we had to fear. But perhaps they would not move. In that case the veil would be enough to cover our weakness.

We had to take risks on our flanks and rear if we were to be strong at the decisive point. We hoped we might succeed in deceiving Rennenkampf. Perhaps he would deceive himself. The strong fortress of Konigsberg with its garrison and our cavalry might assume the proportions of a mighty force in the imagination of the enemy.

But even supposing Rennenkampf cradled himself in illusions to our advantage, would not his High Command urge him forward in forced marches to the south-west-in our rear? Would not Samsonof's cry for help bring him in hot haste to the battlefield? And even if the sound of human voices echoed in vain, would not the warning thunder of the battle reach the Russian lines north of the Lakes, nay, to the enemy's Headquarters itself?

Caution with regard to Rennenkampf was therefore necessary, though we could not carry it to the extent of leaving strong forces behind, or we should find ourselves weaker on the battlefield than we ought to be.

When we considered the numbers on both sides a comparison with the probable Russian forces showed a great disparity against us, even if we counted in on our side the two Landwehr brigades which were then coming from Schleswig-Holstein, where they had been employed in coast protection (and assuming that they would arrive in time for the battle), and even if Rennenkampf did not move and indeed played no part.

Moreover, it must be remembered that large bodies of Landwehr and Landsturm had to fight in the first line. Older classes against the pick of Russia's youth! We had the further disadvantage that most of our troops and, as the situation decreed, all those which had to deliver the coup de grace, had just been engaged in heavy and expensive fighting.

Had they not just been compelled to leave the battlefield of Gumbinnen to the Russians? The troops were not therefore marching with the proud feeling of being victors. Yet they pressed forward to the battle with stout hearts and unshaken confidence. We were told that their moral was good, and it therefore justified bold decisions.

Where it was somewhat shaken such decisions could not fail to restore it. It had been thus before; could it be otherwise now? I had no misgivings on the score of our numerical inferiority. He who reckons solely by the visible in-war is reckoning falsely. The inherent worth of the soldier is everything. It was on that that I based my confidence.

What I thought to myself was this:

The Russian may invade our Fatherland, and contact with the soil of Germany may lift up his heart, but that does not make him a German soldier, and those who lead him are not German officers.

The Russian soldier had fought with the greatest obedience on the battlefields of Manchuria although he had no sympathy with the political ambitions of his rulers in the Pacific.

It did not seem unlikely that in a war against the Central Powers the Russian Army would have greater enthusiasm for the war aims of the Tsar's Empire. On the other hand, I considered that, taking it all round, the Russian soldier and officer would not display higher military qualities in the European theatre than they had in the Asiatic, and believed that I was entitled to credit our side with a plus on the ground of intrinsic value instead of a minus for our numerical inferiority.

Such was our plan and such our line of reasoning before and for the battle. We compressed these ideas and intentions into a short report which we sent from Marienburg to Main Headquarters on August 23:

"Concentration of the army for an enveloping attack in the region of the 10th Corps planned for August 26."

On the evening of the 23rd I took a short walk on the western bank of the Nogat. From there the red walls of the proud castle of the Teutonic Knights, the greatest brick monument of Baltic Gothic, made a truly wonderful picture in the evening light. Thoughts of a noble chivalry of the past mingled involuntarily with conjecture as to the veiled future.

The sight of the refugees flying past me from my home province deepened the sense of responsibility that possessed me. It was a melancholy reminder that war not only affects the fighting man, but proves a thousandfold scourge to humanity by the destruction of the very essentials of existence.

On August 24 I motored with my small Staff to the Headquarters of the 10th Corps, and thus entered the village which was to give its name to the battle so soon to blaze up.

Tannenberg! A word pregnant with painful recollections for German chivalry, a Slav cry of triumph, a name that is fresh in our memories after more than five hundred years of history.

Before this day I had never seen the battlefield which proved so fateful to German culture in the East. A simple monument there bore silent witness to the deeds and deaths of heroes. On one of the following days we stood near this monument while Samsonof's Russian Army was going to its doom of sheer annihilation.

On our way from Marienburg to Tannenberg the impression of the miseries into which war had plunged the unhappy inhabitants were intensified. Masses of helpless refugees, carrying their belongings, pressed past me on the road and to a certain extent hindered the movements of our troops which were hastening to meet the foe.

Among the Staff at the Corps Headquarters I found the confidence and resolution which were essential for the success of our plan. Moreover, they had a favourable opinion of the moral of the troops at this spot, which was at first the crucial point for us.

The day brought us no decisive information either about Rennenkampf's operations or Samsonof's movements. Apparently it only confirmed the fact that Rennenkampf was moving forward very slowly. We could not see the reason for this.

Of the Narew Army, we knew that its main columns were pressing forward against the 10th Corps. Under its pressure this corps refused its left wing. There was nothing doubtful about this measure. Quite the contrary. The enemy, following up, would all the more effectively expose his right flank to our left enveloping column which was marching on Bischofsburg.

On the other hand the hostile movement which was apparently in progress against our western wing and Lautenburg attracted our attention, as it caused us some anxiety. We had the impression that the Russians were thinking of enveloping us in turn at this point and coming in on our flank.

August 25 gave us a rather clearer picture of Rennenkampf's movements. His columns were marching from the Angerapp, and therefore on Konigsberg. Had the original Russian plan been abandoned? Or had the Russian leaders been deceived by our movements and suspected that our main force was in and around the fortress?

In any case we must now have not the slightest hesitation in leaving but a thin screen against Rennenkampf's mighty force. On this day Samsonof, obviously feeling his way, was directing his main columns towards our 20th Corps. The corps on the Russian right wing was undoubtedly marching on Bischofsburg, and therefore towards our 17th Corps and 1st Reserve Corps, which had reached the district north of this village on this day.

Apparently further large Russian forces were concentrating at Mlawa.

This day marked the conclusion of the stage of expectation and preparation. We brought our 1st Corps round to the right wing of the 20th Corps. The general attack could begin.

August 26th was the first day of the murderous combat which raged from Lautenburg to north of Bischofsburg. The drama on which the curtain was rising, and whose stage stretched for more than sixty miles, began not with a continuous battle line but in detached groups; not in one self-contained act, but in a series of scenes.

General von Francois was leading his brave East Prussians on the right swing. They pushed forward against Usdau with a view to storming the key to this part of the southern battle front next day.

General von Scholtz's magnificent corps gradually shook off the chains of defence and addressed themselves to the business of attack. Fierce was the fighting round Bischofsburg that this day witnessed.

By the evening magnificent work had been done on our side at this point. In a series of powerful blows the wing corps of Samsonof's right had been defeated and forced to retreat on Ortelsburg by the troops of Mackensen and Below (10th Corps and 1st Reserve Corps), as well as Landwehr.

But we could not yet realize how far-reaching our victory had been. The Staff expected to have to meet a renewed and stout resistance south of this day's battlefield on the following day. Yet was their confidence high.

It was now apparent that danger was threatening from the side of Rennenkampf. It was reported that one of his corps was on the march through Angerburg. Would it not find its way to the rear of our left enveloping force?

Moreover, disquieting news came to us from the flank and rear of our western wing. Strong forces of Russian cavalry were in movement away there in the south. We could not find out whether they were being followed up by infantry. The crisis of the battle now approached.

One question forced itself upon us. How would the situation develop if these mighty movements and the enemy's superiority in numbers delayed the decision for days? Is it surprising that misgivings filled many a heart, that firm resolution began to yield to vacillation, and that doubts crept in where a clear vision had hitherto prevailed?

Would it not be wiser to strengthen our line facing Rennenkampf again and be content with half-measures against Samsonof? Was it not better to abandon the idea of destroying the Narew Army in order to ensure ourselves against destruction?

We overcame the inward crisis, adhered to our original intention, and turned in full strength to effect its realization by attack. So the order was issued for our right wing to advance straight on Neidenburg, and the left enveloping wing "to take up its position at 4. a.m. and intervene with the greatest energy."

August 27 showed that the victory of the 1st Reserve Corps and 17th Corps at Bischofsburg on the previous day had had far-reaching results. The enemy had not only retired, but was actually fleeing from the battlefield.

Moreover, we learned that it was only in the imagination of an airman that Rennenkampf was marching in our rear. The cold truth was that he was slowly pressing on to Konigsberg. Did he, or would he, not see that Samsonof's right flank was already threatened with utter ruin and that the danger to his left wing also was increasing from hour to hour?

For it was on this day that Francois and Scholtz stormed the enemy's lines at and north of Usdau and defeated our southern opponent. Now, when the enemy's centre pushed forward farther towards Allenstein-Hohenstein, it was no longer victory but destruction that lured it on.

For us the situation was clear. On the evening of this day we gave orders for the complete encirclement of the enemy's central mass, his 13th and 15th Corps.

The bloody struggle continued to rage on August 28.

On the 29th a large part of the Russian Army saw itself faced with total annihilation at Hohenstein. Ortelsburg was reached from the north, Willenberg, through Neidenburg, from the west.

The ring round thousands and thousands of Russians began to close. Even in this desperate situation there was plenty of Russian heroism in the cause of the Tsar, heroism which saved the honour of arms but could not longer save the battle.

Meanwhile Rennenkampf was continuing to march quietly on Konigsberg. Samsonof was lost at the very moment when his comrade was to give proof of other and better military qualities.

For we were already in a position to draw troops from the battle front to cover the work of destruction in which we were engaged in the great cauldron, Neidenburg-Willenberg-Passenheim, and in which Samsonof sought for death in his despair. Swelling columns of prisoners poured out of this cauldron.

These were the growing proofs of the greatness of our victory. By a freak of fortune it was in Osterode, one of the villages which we made our Headquarters during the battle, that I received one of the two captured Russian Corps Commanders, in the same inn at which I had been quartered during a General Staff ride in 1881 when I was a young Staff officer. The other reported to me next day at a school which we had converted into an office.

As the battle proceeded we were able to observe what splendid raw material, generally speaking, the Tsar had at his disposal. I had the impression that it doubtless contained many qualities worth training. As in 1866 and 1870, I noticed on this occasion how quickly the German officer and soldier, with their fine feeling and professional tact, forgot the former foe in the helpless captive.

The lust of battle in our men quickly ebbed away and changed to deep sympathy and human feeling. It was only against the Cossacks that our men could not contain their rage. They were considered the authors of all the bestial brutalities under which the people and country of East Prussia had suffered so cruelly.

The Cossack apparently suffered from a bad conscience, for whenever he saw himself likely to be taken prisoner he did his best to remove the broad stripe on his trousers which distinguished his branch of the service.

On August 30th the enemy concentrated fresh troops in the south and east and attempted to break our encircling ring from without. From Myszaniec - that is, from the direction of Ostrolenka - he brought up new and strong columns to Neidenburg and Ortelsburg against our troops, which had already completely enveloped the Russian centre and were therefore presenting their rear to the new foe.

There was danger ahead; all the more so because airmen reported that enemy columns twenty-three miles long - therefore very strong - were pressing forward from Mlawa. Yet we refused to let go of our quarry.

Samsonof's main force had to be surrounded and annihilated; Francois and Mackensen sent their reserves - weak reserves, it is true - to meet the new enemy. Against their resistance the attempt to mitigate the catastrophe to Samsonof came to naught.

While despair seized on those within the deadly ring, faint-heartedness paralyzed the energies of those who might have brought their release. In this respect, too, the course of events at the Battle of Tannenberg confirmed the human and military experience of yore.

Our ring of fire round the Russian masses, crowded closely together and swaying this way and that, became closer and narrower with every hour that passed.

Rennenkampf appears to have intended to attack the line of the Deime, east of Konigsberg and between Labiau and Tapiau, this day. From the region of Landsberg and Bartenstein his masses of cavalry were approaching the battlefield of Tannenberg. However, we had already concentrated strong forces, weary but flushed with victory, for defence in the neighbourhood of Allenstein.

August 31 was the day of harvesting for such of our troops as were still engaged, a day of deliberation about the further course of operations for our leaders, and for Rennenkampf the day of the retreat to the Deime-Allenburg-Angerburg line.

As early as the 29th the course of events had enabled me to report the complete collapse of the Russian Narew Army to my All-Highest War Lord. The very same day the thanks of His Majesty, in the name of the Fatherland, had reached me on the battlefield. I transferred these thanks, in my heart as with my lips, to my Chief of Staff and our splendid troops.

On August 31st I was able to send the following report to my Emperor and King:

I beg most humbly to report to Your Majesty that the ring round the larger part of the Russian Army was closed yesterday. The 13th. 15th and 18th Army Corps have been destroyed. We have already taken more than 60,000 prisoners, among them the Corps Commanders of the 13th and 15th Corps.

The guns are still in the forests and are now being brought in. The spammer is immense though it cannot yet be assessed in detail. The Corps outside our ring, the 1st and 6th, have also suffered severely and are now retreating in hot haste through Mlawa and Myszaniec.


The troops and their leaders had accomplished extraordinary feats. The divisions were now in bivouacs and the hymn of thanks of the Battle of Leuthen rose from them.

In our new Headquarters at Allenstein I entered the church, close by the old castle of the Teutonic Knights, while divine service was being held. As the clergyman uttered his closing words all those present, young soldiers as well as elderly Landsturm, sank to their knees under the overwhelming impression of their experiences. It was a worthy curtain to their heroic achievements.

Source Records of the Great War, Vol. II, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923, http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/tannenberg_hindenburg.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 18:00    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Year 1914

On 26 August, in East Prussia, the German 8th Army retook Soldau, thus forcing an ever widening gap between the Russian 1st and 2nd Armies. This set the stage for the Battle of Tannenberg, 40 km southwest of Allenstein. Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich visited General Zhilinskiy's NW Front HQ at Bialystok.

In the Baltic Sea, the German cruiser Magdeburg ran aground in heavy fog on Odensholm island at the entrance to the Gulf of Finland. Unable to re-float her, the German Captain was forced to abandon ship. Russian destroyers soon found the ship, captured the commander and 56 crew. The boarding party discovered an invaluable German naval signal code book and cipher table, which were quickly copied and sent to the British.

On 26-28 August, on the Southwest Front, General Brudermann's 3rd Austro-Hungarian Army, although badly outnumbered, attacked General Ruzskiy's 3rd Russian Army on the Zlota Lipa to the east and southeast of Lemberg, suffering a disastrous defeat and losing two thirds of his forces.

On 26-30 August, due to poor intelligence the Russian Northwest Front HQ believed the Germans were retreating and ordered Samsonov's 2nd Army to resume its advance and intercept them.

http://warchron.com/tannenberg.htm
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"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 18:03    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

René Viviani

Jean Raphaël Adrien René Viviani (8 November 1863 – 7 September 1925) was a French politician of the Third Republic, who served as Prime Minister for the first year of World War I.

Viviani's First Government, 13 June - 26 August 1914

Viviani's Second Ministry, 26 August 1914 - 29 October 1915


Te lezen, en méér!, op http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ren%C3%A9_Viviani
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 18:05    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Die Schlacht bei Tannenberg, 26. - 30. August 1914

Der 26. August 1914 - 1. Tag der Schlacht

Die russische Nordwestfront
Die Westgruppe der 8.Armee
Die Ostgruppe der 8.Armee

Mooie site, heel uitgebreid... http://www.tannenberg1914.de/3_tannb/2608.htm
_________________

"Omdat ik alles beter weet is het mijn plicht om betweters te minachten."
Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 18:07    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

26 August 1914 → Commons Sitting

SERVICE REVOLVERS (PRICES CHARGED).


HC Deb 26 August 1914 vol 66 c37 37

Mr. W. CROOKS asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether Messrs. Webley and Scott, a firm of War Office contractors, have not increased their charges for Service revolvers by 100 per cent.?

Mr. BAKER I have not received any notice of that question.

Mr. CROOKS I will repeat it tomorrow, when I shall put two other questions, of which I have given notice.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1914/aug/26/service-revolvers-prices-charged
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 18:12    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Togoland

Togoland was a German protectorate in West Africa from 1884 to 1914. The protectorate was established during the "Scramble for Africa", when German explorer and imperialist Gustav Nachtigal arrived at Togoville, sent as a special commissioner by Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck. On July 5, 1884, a treaty was signed with the local chief, Mlapa III, in which the German Empire declared a protectorate over a stretch of territory along the coast of the Bight of Benin. Nachtigal was Reichskommissar for a day, but was replaced on July 6 by Heinrich Randad as other tasks were waiting for Nachtigal in Northern Africa.

Germany gradually extended its control inland. They brought scientific cultivation to the country's main export crops (cacao, coffee and cotton) and developed its infrastructure to one of the highest levels in Africa. Because it became Germany's only self-supporting colony, Togoland was known as its model possession. This would last until the eruption of World War I.

After calling on German forces to surrender on 6 August 1914, French and British forces invaded the colony the next day, occupying Lome and advancing on a powerful radio station near Kamina (just east of Atakpamé). The colony surrendered on August 26, after the Germans had destroyed the station on the night of August 24/25. On December 27, 1916, Togoland was divided into French and British administrative zones. Following the war, Togoland formally became a League of Nations Class B mandate divided for administrative purposes into French Togoland and British Togoland (covering respectively about 2/3 and 1/3 of the territory).

As a result, the French-ruled part of Togoland became what is now Togo, with the rest transferred to Ghana following a plebiscite.

http://hoinghana.com/HO_INFO.aspx
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 18:17    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

AUCKLAND WEEKLY NEWS - 26 AUGUST 1915

FIT FOR DUTY
Five soldiers who returned from the Dardenelles by the hospital ship Willochra have been passed medically fit to rejoin their regiments at the front.

CORLETT, Pte J N, Auckland Infantry Batt
De URIES, Pte B A, Auckland Infantry Batt
HANSON, Pte A, Auckland Infantry Batt
MARCHBANK, Cpl T L, Otago Infantry Batt.
PAGE, Pte A L G, Auckland Infantry Batt

NEW ZEALANDERs KILLED
Sydney, August 23, Lieutenant G M GRANT, killed in action, was born at Wellington, New Zealand.
BURN, Lt W W A, NZ Aviator, reported missing has now been officially reported dead. He was with the British forces operating in the Persian Gulf. Lt MEVY???Died at the hands of the Arabs.

http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~sooty/awn26aug1915.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 25 Aug 2010 18:19    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Wilson's Change of Attitude on War Loans, 26 August 1915
Foreign Relations of the United States: The Lansing Papers, I, 144.

President Woodrow Wilson to the Secretary of State, Mr. Robert Lansing.

My dear Mr. Secretary:

My opinion in this matter, compendiously stated, is that we should say that "Parties would take no action either for or against such a transaction," but that this should be orally conveyed, so far as we are concerned, and not put in writing.

I hope this is also your own judgment of the matter.

Faithfully yours,
W.W.

http://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/Wilson's_Change_of_Attitude_on_War_Loans
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BerichtGeplaatst: 26 Aug 2014 14:05    Onderwerp: Oorlogsdagboek Leuven Reageer met quote

De terreur op de bevolking in Leuven gaat maar door! Razzia's, willekeurige executies, deportaties, mensen als levend schild... dit zijn de ingrediënten van een week wraakacties op de bevolking. Volg het nieuws uit Leuven dag aan dag: 26 augustus 1914 - gevangenen massaal gedeporteerd naar kampen in Duitsland.

Volg het op Facebook
https://www.facebook.com/oorlogsdagboekLeuven
of blog
http://www.oorlogsdagboekleuven.be/gevangenen-gedeporteerd-26aug1914/
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