Forum Eerste Wereldoorlog Forum Index Forum Eerste Wereldoorlog
Hét WO1-forum voor Nederland en Vlaanderen
 
 FAQFAQ   ZoekenZoeken   GebruikerslijstGebruikerslijst   WikiWiki   RegistreerRegistreer 
 ProfielProfiel   Log in om je privé berichten te bekijkenLog in om je privé berichten te bekijken   InloggenInloggen   Actieve TopicsActieve Topics 

Wilsons 14 punten 1918

 
Plaats nieuw bericht   Plaats Reactie    Forum Eerste Wereldoorlog Forum Index -> Politiek en strategie Actieve Topics
Vorige onderwerp :: Volgende onderwerp  
Auteur Bericht
Yvonne
Admin


Geregistreerd op: 2-2-2005
Berichten: 45584

BerichtGeplaatst: 08 Feb 2008 9:45    Onderwerp: Wilsons 14 punten 1918 Reageer met quote

Die 14 Punkte der Botschaft des Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika Woodrow Wilson an den US-Kongreß.[1]
[Wilsons 14 Punkte]

Vom 8. Januar 1918.




Das Programm des Weltfriedens ist unser Programm, und dieses Programm – unserer Auffassung nach das einzig mögliche – ist folgendes:

I. Offene Friedensverträge, die offen zustande gekommen sind, und danach sollen keine geheimen internationalen Vereinbarungen irgendwelcher Art mehr getroffen werden, sondern die Diplomatie soll immer offen und vor aller Welt arbeiten.

II. Vollkommene Freiheit der Schiffahrt auf den Meeren, außerhalb der Küstengewässer, sowohl im Frieden als auch im Kriege, außer insoweit, als die Meere ganz oder teilweise durch internationale Maßnahmen zur Erzwingung internationaler Abmachungen geschlossen werden mögen.

III. Beseitigung aller wirtschaftlichen Schranken, soweit möglich, und Errichtung gleicher Handelsbeziehungen unter allen Nationen, die dem Frieden zustimmen und sich zu seiner Aufrechterhaltung zusammenschließen.

IV. Austausch ausreichender Garantien dafür, daß die nationalen Rüstungen auf das niedrigste, mit der inneren Sicherheit zu vereinbarende Maß herabgesetzt werden.

V. Eine freie, weitherzige und unbedingt unparteiische Schlichtung aller kolonialen Ansprüche, die auf einer genauen Beobachtung des Grundsatzes fußt, daß bei der Entscheidung aller derartigen Souveränitätsfragen die Interessen der betroffenen Bevölkerung ein ebensolches Gewicht haben müssen wie die berechtigten Forderungen der Regierung, deren Rechtsanspruch bestimmt werden soll.

VI. Räumung des ganzen russischen Gebiets und eine solche Regelung aller Rußland betreffenden Fragen, die ihm die beste und freieste Zusammenarbeit der anderen Nationen der Welt für die Erlangung einer unbeeinträchtigten und unbehinderten Gelegenheit zur unabhängigen Bestimmung seiner eigenen politischen Entwicklung und nationalen Politik sicherstellt und es eines aufrichtigen Willkommens im Bunde der freien Nationen unter von ihm selbst gewählten Staatseinrichtungen versichert, und darüber hinaus die Gewährung von Beistand jeder Art, dessen es bedürfen und selbst wünschen sollte. Die Rußland in den nächsten Monaten von seinen Schwesternationen gewährte Behandlung wird der Prüfstein für deren gute Absichten und ihr Verständnis für seine Bedürfnisse – zum Unterschied von ihren eigenen Interessen – sowie für ihre verständige und selbstlose Sympathie sein.

VII. Belgien muß, wie die ganze Welt übereinstimmen wird, geräumt und wiederhergestellt werden, ohne jeden Versuch, seine Souveränität , deren es sich ebenso wie alle anderen freien Nationen erfreut, zu beschränken. Keine andere Einzelhandlung wird so wie diese dazu dienen, das Vertrauen unter den Nationen, das Vertrauen unter den Nationen zu Gesetzen wiederherzustellen, die sie selbst für die Regelung der Beziehungen untereinander aufgestellt und festgesetzt haben. Ohne diesen heilenden Akt ist die ganze Struktur und Geltung des Völkerrechts für immer erschüttert.

VIII. Alles französische Gebiet sollte befreit und die besetzten Teile sollten wiederhergestellt werden, und das Frankreich von Preußen im Jahre 1871 hinsichtlich Elsaß-Lothringen angetane Unrecht, das den Weltfrieden während eines Zeitraums von nahezu fünfzig Jahren in Frage gestellt hat, sollte wieder gutgemacht werden, damit erneut Friede im Interesse aller gemacht werde.

IX. Es sollte eine Berichtigung der Grenzen Italiens nach den klar erkennbaren Linien der Nationalität durchgeführt werden.

X. Den Völkern Österreichs-Ungarns, deren Platz unter den Völkern wir sichergestellt und zugesichert zu sehen wünschen, sollte die freieste Gelegenheit zu autonomer Entwicklung gewährt werden.

XI. Rumänien, Serbien und Montenegro sollten geräumt werden; besetzte Gebiete sollten wiederhergestellt werden; Serbien sollte freier und sicherer Zugang zum Meere gewährt werden; und die Beziehungen der verschiedenen Balkanstaaten zueinander sollten durch freundschaftliche Verständigung gemäß den geschichtlich feststehenden Grundlinien von Zugehörigkeit und Nationalität bestimmt werden. Auch sollten internationale Bürgschaften für die politische und wirtschaftliche Unabhängigkeit sowie für die territoriale Unverletzlichkeit der verschiedenen Balkanstaaten übernommen werden.

XII. Den türkischen Teilen des gegenwärtigen Osmanischen Reiches sollte eine sichere Souveränität, den anderen derzeit unter türkischer Herrschaft stehenden Nationalitäten aber eine unzweifelhafte Sicherheit der Existenz und unbeeinträchtigte Gelegenheit für autonome Entwicklung zugesichert werden; auch sollten die Dardanellen unter internationaler Garantie dauernd als ein freier Durchgang für die Schiffe und den Handel aller Nationen geöffnet werden.

XIII. Es sollte ein unabhängiger polnischer Staat errichtet werden, der die von unbestritten polnischen Bevölkerungen bewohnten Gebiete einschließen sollte, dem ein freier und sicherer Zugang zum Meere zugesichert werden sollte und dessen politische und wirtschaftliche Unabhängigkeit und territoriale Unverletzlichkeit durch internationales Abkommen garantiert werden sollten.

XIV. Es muß zum Zwecke wechselseitiger Garantieleistung für politische Unabhängigkeit und territoriale Unverletzlichkeit der großen wie der kleinen Staaten unter Abschluß spezifischer Vereinbarungen eine allgemeine Gesellschaft von Nationen gebildet werden.
© http://www.documentarchiv.de/in/1918/14-punkte-wilsons.html
_________________
Met hart en ziel
De enige echte

https://twitter.com/ForumWO1
Naar boven
Bekijk gebruikers profiel Stuur privé bericht Verstuur mail Bekijk de homepage
rolffie61



Geregistreerd op: 18-2-2005
Berichten: 713

BerichtGeplaatst: 08 Feb 2008 12:33    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

En ook in de oorspronkelijke taal:

http://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/President_Wilson%27s_Fourteen_Points

"Gentlemen of the Congress:

Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of the Central Empires have indicated their desire to discuss the objects of the war and the possible basis of a general peace. Parleys have been in progress at Brest-Litovsk between Russsian representatives and representatives of the Central Powers to which the attention of all the belligerents have been invited for the purpose of ascertaining whether it may be possible to extend these parleys into a general conference with regard to terms of peace and settlement.

The Russian representatives presented not only a perfectly definite statement of the principles upon which they would be willing to conclude peace but also an equally definite program of the concrete application of those principles. The representatives of the Central Powers, on their part, presented an outline of settlement which, if much less definite, seemed susceptible of liberal interpretation until their specific program of practical terms was added. That program proposed no concessions at all either to the sovereignty of Russia or to the preferences of the populations with whose fortunes it dealt, but meant, in a word, that the Central Empires were to keep every foot of territory their armed forces had occupied -- every province, every city, every point of vantage -- as a permanent addition to their territories and their power.

It is a reasonable conjecture that the general principles of settlement which they at first suggested originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany and Austria, the men who have begun to feel the force of their own people's thought and purpose, while the concrete terms of actual settlement came from the military leaders who have no thought but to keep what they have got. The negotiations have been broken off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in earnest. They cannot entertain such proposals of conquest and domination.

The whole incident is full of significances. It is also full of perplexity. With whom are the Russian representatives dealing? For whom are the representatives of the Central Empires speaking? Are they speaking for the majorities of their respective parliaments or for the minority parties, that military and imperialistic minority which has so far dominated their whole policy and controlled the affairs of Turkey and of the Balkan states which have felt obliged to become their associates in this war?

The Russian representatives have insisted, very justly, very wisely, and in the true spirit of modern democracy, that the conferences they have been holding with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should be held within open, not closed, doors, and all the world has been audience, as was desired. To whom have we been listening, then? To those who speak the spirit and intention of the resolutions of the German Reichstag of the 9th of July last, the spirit and intention of the Liberal leaders and parties of Germany, or to those who resist and defy that spirit and intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation? Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unreconciled and in open and hopeless contradiction? These are very serious and pregnant questions. Upon the answer to them depends the peace of the world.

But, whatever the results of the parleys at Brest-Litovsk, whatever the confusions of counsel and of purpose in the utterances of the spokesmen of the Central Empires, they have again attempted to acquaint the world with their objects in the war and have again challenged their adversaries to say what their objects are and what sort of settlement they would deem just and satisfactory. There is no good reason why that challenge should not be responded to, and responded to with the utmost candor. We did not wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have laid our whole thought and purpose before the world, not in general terms only, but each time with sufficient definition to make it clear what sort of definite terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of them. Within the last week Mr. Lloyd George has spoken with admirable candor and in admirable spirit for the people and Government of Great Britain.

There is no confusion of counsel among the adversaries of the Central Powers, no uncertainty of principle, no vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of counsel, the only lack of fearless frankness, the only failure to make definite statement of the objects of the war, lies with Germany and her allies. The issues of life and death hang upon these definitions. No statesman who has the least conception of his responsibility ought for a moment to permit himself to continue this tragical and appalling outpouring of blood and treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradventure that the objects of the vital sacrifice are part and parcel of the very life of Society and that the people for whom he speaks think them right and imperative as he does.

There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definitions of principle and of purpose which is, it seems to me, more thrilling and more compelling than any of the many moving voices with which the troubled air of the world is filled. It is the voice of the Russian people. They are prostrate and all but hopeless, it would seem, before the grim power of Germany, which has hitherto known no relenting and no pity. Their power, apparently, is shattered. And yet their soul is not subservient. They will not yield either in principle or in action. Their conception of what is right, of what is humane and honorable for them to accept, has been stated with a frankness, a largeness of view, a generosity of spirit, and a universal human sympathy which must challenge the admiration of every friend of mankind; and they have refused to compound their ideals or desert others that they themselves may be safe.

They call to us to say what it is that we desire, in what, if in anything, our purpose and our spirit differ from theirs; and I believe that the people of the United States would wish me to respond, with utter simplicity and frankness. Whether their present leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace.

It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.

We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this:

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.

II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.

III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.

IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.

V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.

VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.

VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.

VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.

IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.

X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.

XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.

XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.

XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.

XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.

In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end. For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace- loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world, -- the new world in which we now live, -- instead of a place of mastery.



Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domination.

We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak.

Unless this principle be made its foundation no part of the structure of international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act upon no other principle; and to the vindication of this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything they possess. The moral climax of this the culminating and final war for human liberty has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion to the test."
Naar boven
Bekijk gebruikers profiel Stuur privé bericht Verstuur mail
Andriessen



Geregistreerd op: 2-2-2005
Berichten: 785
Woonplaats: Akersloot gem.Castricum

BerichtGeplaatst: 08 Feb 2008 12:44    Onderwerp: wilsons 14 punten Reageer met quote

Eigenlijk waren het veel meer punten want op 1 februari voegde Wilson er nog 4 punten bij (The four principles) en op 4 juni 1918 tijdens een rede in Mount Vernon, nogmaals 4 punten (the four points) en op 27 september 1918 nog eens 5 punten (The five particulars)
Uiteindelijk echter bleven er van al deze 27 punten van Wilson's programma slechts enkele over want toen Duitsland de wapenstilstandsvoorwaarden eenmaal had aanvaard (op basis van Wilson''s 'Peace without victory programma) lapten de geallieerden de ook door hen aanvaarde Wilson-punten (op een enkele na) aan hun laars en Duitsland had niet de middelen meer om zich daar tegen te verzetten.
_________________
bezoek ook onze website www.ssew.nl
Naar boven
Bekijk gebruikers profiel Stuur privé bericht Verstuur mail
rolffie61



Geregistreerd op: 18-2-2005
Berichten: 713

BerichtGeplaatst: 08 Feb 2008 12:48    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Hoe zou je ze dan noemen Hans, de 18, 22 of 27 punten van Wilson?
Naar boven
Bekijk gebruikers profiel Stuur privé bericht Verstuur mail
Andriessen



Geregistreerd op: 2-2-2005
Berichten: 785
Woonplaats: Akersloot gem.Castricum

BerichtGeplaatst: 08 Feb 2008 16:57    Onderwerp: Wilson's 14 punten Reageer met quote

Het programma van Wilson stond en staat nu eenmaal bekend als het 14 punten programma en dat is altijd ook zo gebleven dus daar aan we niets aan veranderen.
Maar Wilson heeft zijn gedachten steeds uitgebreid en in toespraken en brieven verwoord en datgaf dan weer aanleiding tot allerlei consternatie, vooral bij de geallieerden. Clemenceau zei zelfs dat " En God had slechts tien punten nodig"om de wereld te verbeteren'.
Vanaf het begin was Engeland het niet eens met de clausule over de vrije zee terwijl ze het artikel over het recht van gekoloniseerde landen op zelfbeschikking natuurlijk al helemaal niet zagen zitten. Er bleef geharrewar over het 14 puntenplan tot 6 dagen voor het tekenen van het vredesverdrag, toen telegrafferde de geallieerden aan Wilson: "dat ze bereid waren: "to make peace with Germany on the terms of peace laid down in the president's address to Congress of January 1918 and the principles of settlement enunciated in his subsequent addresses"(dus de aanvullende punten)
Te tekenden echter wel aan niet akkoord te gaan met het artikel over de vrije zee en dit werd door Wiulson geaccepteerd. De Britten wilden hun overwicht ter zee niet zo maar opgeven.
Duitsland had op 4 oktober al gemeld akkoord te gaan met de 14 punten als basis voor een vredesakkoord met de geallieerden. Ze dachten dus vrede te kunnen sluiten op basis van "Wilson's "peace without victory, immers de geallieerden hadden dit Wilsonplan toch ook geaccepteerd? Ze zouden bedrogen uitkomen.

Toen de wapenstilstand was gesloten en elke mogelijkheid voor Duitsland om ook nog maar iets in de melk te brokkelen was verdwenen en de Britten hun zeeblokkade ook nog gewoon voortzetten zodat er in Duitsland honger ontstond etc, bleken de geallieerden zich ook niets meer van de 14 punten aan te trekken en behandelden Duitsland als een land dat totaal was verslagen en waarmede alleen maar vrede op hun voorwaarden kon worden gesloten. (het dictaat van Versailles) In feite hebben ze de Duitsers dus gewoon, plat gezegd, belazerd. Die hadden het maar te nemen omdat anders de geallieerden dreigden de oorlog weer voort te zetten en Duitsland te bezetten. Aangezien Duisland inmiddels z'n hele vloot, al z'n duikboten enz.enz had moeten inleveren en het leger al geheel uit bezet gebied had terug getrokken, kon ze niets anders doen dan buigen voor de ovemacht hetgeen ook in de ondertekening van het vredesverdrag werd vermeld.President Wilson was eigenlijk de grote verliezer. Hij kon niet op tegen Lloyd george en Clemenceau en moets steeds meer toegeven. Zelfs zijn plan voor een volkerenbond mislukte omdat zijn eigen landgenoten dit plan niet zagen zitten en ook weigerden het vredesverdrag te ondertekenen.
_________________
bezoek ook onze website www.ssew.nl
Naar boven
Bekijk gebruikers profiel Stuur privé bericht Verstuur mail
Berichten van afgelopen:   
Plaats nieuw bericht   Plaats Reactie    Forum Eerste Wereldoorlog Forum Index -> Politiek en strategie Tijden zijn in GMT + 1 uur
Pagina 1 van 1

 
Ga naar:  
Je mag geen nieuwe onderwerpen plaatsen
Je mag geen reacties plaatsen
Je mag je berichten niet bewerken
Je mag je berichten niet verwijderen
Ja mag niet stemmen in polls


Powered by phpBB © 2001, 2002 phpBB Group